{"id":2903,"date":"2018-04-27T17:57:47","date_gmt":"2018-04-27T22:57:47","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/thegreattransition.net\/?page_id=2903"},"modified":"2018-05-16T22:37:15","modified_gmt":"2018-05-17T03:37:15","slug":"programme-theme","status":"publish","type":"page","link":"https:\/\/2018.lagrandetransition.net\/fr\/programme-theme\/","title":{"rendered":"Programme &#8211; Theme"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<div class=\"mainmaxsize\">\n<div class=\"topback\" style=\"background-image: url(https:\/\/thegreattransition.net\/wp-content\/uploads\/2018\/02\/headerfrback3.png);\"><img decoding=\"async\" src=\"https:\/\/thegreattransition.net\/wp-content\/uploads\/2018\/02\/headerfrfront3.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"100%\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-635\"><\/div>\n<div class=\"row scrolldivider\">\n<div class=\"col-sm-12\">\n<h2 class=\"textwhite centertitle\">Panels par th\u00e9matiques<\/h2>\n<\/p><\/div>\n<\/p><\/div>\n<nav class=\"navbar navbar-default navbar-fixed-top\">\n<ul class=\"nav navbar-nav transpar\">\n<li>                    <a href=\"https:\/\/thegreattransition.net\/fr\/accueil\/#section4\" style=\"background-color: #000; color: #fff;\">S&rsquo;inscrire<\/a>                <\/li>\n<li>                    <a href=\"https:\/\/thegreattransition.net\/fr\/programme\/\">Programme complet<\/a>                <\/li>\n<li>                    <a href=\"https:\/\/thegreattransition.net\/fr\/programme-serie\/\">S\u00e9ries organis\u00e9es<\/a>                <\/li>\n<li>                    <a href=\"https:\/\/thegreattransition.net\/fr\/\">Accueil<\/a>                <\/li>\n<li>                    <a href=\"https:\/\/thegreattransition.net\/program-theme\/\">EN<\/a>                <\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/nav>\n<div>\n<div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"row themeprogback\" style=\"background-image: url(https:\/\/thegreattransition.net\/wp-content\/uploads\/2018\/02\/ecology.jpg)\" id=\"1\">\n<div class=\"themetitle\" style=\"background-color: #38a825;\">\n<h4 class=\"themefont\" style=\"color: #fff;\">\u00c9cologie<\/h4>\n<\/p><\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"row horaireback\">\n<div class=\"col-sm-2 col-xs-5\">                            <\/div>\n<div class=\"col-sm-10 col-xs-12\">\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Capitalisme vert <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#38a825; color:#fff\">\u00c9cologie<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Ven 11:30 &#8211; SH-3420 &#8211; EN\/FR(Traduction disponible) &#8211; Atelier introductif<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc92\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Laure Waridel, Centre interdisciplinaire de recherche en op\u00e9rationnalisation du d\u00e9veloppement durable (CIRODD) (Montr\u00e9al, Canada) <\/br>Nicole Leaver, McGill University (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>C\u00e9line Hequet, McGill University (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc92\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Capitalisme vert <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5>N\/A<\/h5>\n<p>Laure Waridel, Centre interdisciplinaire de recherche en op\u00e9rationnalisation du d\u00e9veloppement durable (CIRODD) (Montr\u00e9al, Canada) <\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5>Ideology &#038; Green Capitalism <\/h5>\n<p>Nicole Leaver, McGill University (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>This presentation will trace some of the ideological currents and narratives in green capitalism today, including the claim that individual choices effectively determine whether nature is restored or derailed. Green capitalism sets forth the illusion that we can remain pro-capitalist while seemingly demanding an alternative choice to capitalist production. One such false choice was the \u2018greening\u2019 of England under Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, who in 1988, proclaimed: \u201cThe first thing we have to do is get this country really, really tidy.\u201d The politically discursive message delivered in this example is a way of setting a political agenda that projects a vision of ecology \u201cas if ecology were about re-arranging the furniture.\u201d Sentiments such as these have served to remind us that, over many decades, moments of heightened environmental politics have failed to bring about revolutionary changes, or more precisely, eliminate the ruthless exploitation and degradation of nature. Perhaps it is not surprising then, that since 1988, just 100 companies have been responsible for more than 70% of the world\u2019s greenhouse gas emissions.In these failures, I propose that environmental politics has itself become a broken record, not only looping over its own past mistakes, but worse yet, propelling the same ruthless system it once proclaimed to fervently oppose. Given that environmental politics are now part of the very same ideological foundations which perpetuate its demise, individualized good intentions only serve to neutralize effective action and exacerbate political depression. <\/p>\n<h5>Comment la m\u00e9thode d&rsquo;\u00e9valuation contingent contribue-t-elle \u00e0 la subjectivation n\u00e9olib\u00e9rale<\/h5>\n<p>C\u00e9line Hequet, McGill University (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Ma pr\u00e9sentation vise une critique politique de la m\u00e9thode d\u2019\u00e9valuation contingente, qui permet l\u2019\u00e9valuation mon\u00e9taire de biens environnementaux non marchands \u00e0 des fins de planification environnementale. Cette m\u00e9thode repose sur un sondage dans lequel on demande \u00e0 un \u00e9chantillon d\u2019individus la valeur mon\u00e9taire qu\u2019ils seraient pr\u00eats \u00e0 payer pour prot\u00e9ger un bien environnemental d\u2019int\u00e9r\u00eat. La valeur totale est ensuite int\u00e9gr\u00e9e \u00e0 une analyse avantages-co\u00fbts, comme co\u00fbt s\u2019il s\u2019agit d\u2019un projet d\u2019exploitation ou comme b\u00e9n\u00e9fice s\u2019il s\u2019agit d\u2019un projet de conservation. On a largement critiqu\u00e9 la fiabilit\u00e9 de la m\u00e9thode ainsi que ses fondements th\u00e9oriques. Dans plusieurs \u00e9tudes, les r\u00e9pondants se montrent peu sensibles aux prix et aux quantit\u00e9s propos\u00e9s, ce qui am\u00e8ne des chercheurs \u00e0 conclure que les r\u00e9sultats des questionnaires ne peuvent \u00eatre utilis\u00e9s dans des analyses avantages-co\u00fbts, mais devraient plut\u00f4t \u00eatre interpr\u00e9t\u00e9s comme ceux d\u2019un pseudo-r\u00e9f\u00e9rendum. Or, face \u00e0 ce constat, plut\u00f4t que de proposer l\u2019abandon du cadre \u00e9conomique au profit de consultations ouvertement politiques, on sugg\u00e8re d\u2019en multiplier l\u2019utilisation afin d\u2019habituer les r\u00e9pondants. Un tel ent\u00eatement \u00e0 utiliser la m\u00e9thode m\u2019a amen\u00e9e \u00e0 la consid\u00e9rer comme un outil qui, loin d\u2019\u00eatre neutre, s\u2019inscrit dans un projet politique beaucoup plus vaste. Ce projet, c\u2019est celui du n\u00e9olib\u00e9ralisme. Et puisque ses politiques sont enti\u00e8rement bas\u00e9es sur la rationalit\u00e9 utilitariste, il lui faut produire des sujets adapt\u00e9s, soit des individus op\u00e9rant des choix uniquement en fonction d\u2019un calcul d\u2019int\u00e9r\u00eat personnel, telles des entreprises. C\u2019est pourquoi le n\u00e9olib\u00e9ralisme peut \u00eatre appr\u00e9hend\u00e9, \u00e0 la fa\u00e7on de Michel Foucault, comme un mode de subjectivation. En m\u2019appuyant sur les r\u00e9flexions de cet auteur dans Naissance de la biopolitique, j\u2019avance que la d\u00e9multiplication des sondages d\u2019\u00e9valuation mon\u00e9taire participe \u00e0 la mise en forme de sujets n\u00e9olib\u00e9raux, forc\u00e9s de r\u00e9fl\u00e9chir les questions environnementales dans un cadre \u00e9conomique. <\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Discussion sur le livre Climate Leviathan (Verso 2018) <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#38a825; color:#fff\">\u00c9cologie<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Ven 11:30 &#8211; SH-2800 &#8211; EN\/FR(Traduction disponible) &#8211; Atelier avanc\u00e9<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc80\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">This session will provide an opportunity for the authors of Climate Leviathan (Verso 2018) to engage with readers of the book. Book description: \u00ab\u00a0How climate change will affect our political theory\u2014for better and worse?Despite the science and the summits, leading capitalist states have not achieved anything close to an adequate level of carbon mitigation. There is now simply no way to prevent the planet breaching the threshold of two degrees Celsius set by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate&#8230;<\/p>\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Joel Wainwright, Ohio State University (Colombus, OH, \u00c9tats-Unis) <\/br>Geoff Mann, Simon Fraser University (Vancouver, Canada)<\/br>Yves-Marie Abraham, Hautes \u00c9tudes Commerciales (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Jonathan Durand-Folco, R\u00e9seau d&rsquo;action municipale (RAM), Universit\u00e9 Saint-Paul (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Andrea Levy, Canadian Dimension et NCS (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc80\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Discussion sur le livre Climate Leviathan (Verso 2018) <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>This session will provide an opportunity for the authors of Climate Leviathan (Verso 2018) to engage with readers of the book. Book description: \u00ab\u00a0How climate change will affect our political theory\u2014for better and worse?Despite the science and the summits, leading capitalist states have not achieved anything close to an adequate level of carbon mitigation. There is now simply no way to prevent the planet breaching the threshold of two degrees Celsius set by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. What are the likely political and economic outcomes of this? Where is the overheating world heading?To further the struggle for climate justice, we need to have some idea how the existing global order is likely to adjust to a rapidly changing environment. Climate Leviathan provides a radical way of thinking about the intensifying challenges to the global order. Drawing on a wide range of political thought, Joel Wainwright and Geoff Mann argue that rapid climate change will transform the world\u2019s political economy and the fundamental political arrangements most people take for granted. The result will be a capitalist planetary sovereignty, a terrifying eventuality that makes the construction of viable, radical alternatives truly imperative.\u00a0\u00bb<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p>Joel Wainwright, Ohio State University (Colombus, OH, \u00c9tats-Unis) <\/br><\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Geoff Mann, Simon Fraser University (Vancouver, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Yves-Marie Abraham, Hautes \u00c9tudes Commerciales (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Jonathan Durand-Folco, R\u00e9seau d&rsquo;action municipale (RAM), Universit\u00e9 Saint-Paul (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Andrea Levy, Canadian Dimension et NCS (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Sortir du p\u00e9trole <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#38a825; color:#fff\">\u00c9cologie<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Ven 16:00 &#8211; SH-2620 &#8211; EN\/FR(Traduction disponible) &#8211; Atelier introductif<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc79\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Kristian Gareau, Concordia University (Montr\u00e9al, Canada) <\/br>Patrice Bertolacci, Collectif \u00a0\u00bbLes D\u00e9griseurs\u00a0\u00bb (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>David Vachon, Universit\u00e9 de Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Sheena  Wilson, University of Alberta, Petrocultures Research Group (Edmonton, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc79\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Sortir du p\u00e9trole <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5>(Post-)Pipeline Politics: Resistance to Oil Infrastructure and the Carbon Economy in Quebec<\/h5>\n<p>Kristian Gareau, Concordia University (Montr\u00e9al, Canada) <\/br><\/p>\n<p>The unprecedented transformation of planet Earth and human society, both in terms of the material benefits of modernity and the damages to ecosystems and the climate modern advancements have imparted, would not have occurred without the vast amounts of energy and heat-trapping gases unleashed by fossil fuels. This tension continues into the present day. In Canada in the 2000s and early 2010s, the economic and political pressures to extract bitumen\u2014among the most carbon-intensive and polluting source of fossil fuel on the planet\u2014increased considerably. As industry proposed pipelines to transport the substance to markets, critics feared that more bitumen production meant more toxic spills, climate change, and environmental degradation. In the face of those perceived risks, pipelines became key sites of struggle in an ongoing attempt by concerned actors to mitigate the harm caused by fossil-fueled capitalist economies. Using the Energy East pipeline in Quebec as a case study, the paper interprets how rejection of oil infrastructure and criticism of the shortcomings of governmental protection of people and their environments simultaneously express aspirations for a post-carbon, and to some extent post-capitalist, economy.<\/p>\n<h5>La sortie du p\u00e9trole comme premi\u00e8re phase d&rsquo;une r\u00e9solution  de la crise \u00e9cologique au Qu\u00e9bec<\/h5>\n<p>Patrice Bertolacci, Collectif \u00a0\u00bbLes D\u00e9griseurs\u00a0\u00bb (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Le syst\u00e8me \u00e9conomique dominant, capitaliste et lib\u00e9ral, condamne les soci\u00e9t\u00e9s humaines \u00e0 la pr\u00e9carit\u00e9, ceci en tarissant les ressources, en d\u00e9gradant la qualit\u00e9 de l&rsquo;eau, de l&rsquo;air et des sols, en d\u00e9truisant la biodiversit\u00e9 et en d\u00e9r\u00e9glant le climat. Or, il semble trop commode d&rsquo;oublier en quoi consiste encore le carburant de cette machine infernale, \u00e0 savoir le p\u00e9trole en particulier, et les combustibles fossiles en g\u00e9n\u00e9ral, qui constituent toujours les trois quarts de la consommation \u00e9nerg\u00e9tique globale.  Sur la base de cette pr\u00e9c\u00e9dente observation, nous nous appliquerons dans un premier temps \u00e0 rappeler l&rsquo;importance et le poids des \u00e9nergies fossiles pour le syst\u00e8me \u00e9conomique mondial. De plus, nous aborderons les imbrications profondes qui existent entre la p\u00e9trochimie et l&rsquo;agro-alimentaire, avant de dresser un court portrait de la d\u00e9pendance actuelle de l&rsquo;\u00e9conomie qu\u00e9b\u00e9coise aux \u00e9nergies fossiles.Dans un second temps, nous nous pencherons sur l&rsquo;incapacit\u00e9 du lib\u00e9ralisme \u00e9conomique \u00e0 solutionner la crise \u00e9cologique. En nous r\u00e9f\u00e9rant \u00e0 des auteurs classiques tels qu&rsquo;Adam Smith, Charles Darwin et Thomas Malthus, nous d\u00e9montrerons qu&rsquo;une transition \u00e9nerg\u00e9tique orchestr\u00e9e sous l&rsquo;\u00e9gide lib\u00e9rale \u00e9quivaudrait \u00e0 un d\u00e9sastre humanitaire sans pareil. \u00c0 la doctrine lib\u00e9rale, nous opposerons ainsi une vision humaniste des objectifs et des moyens pour rendre possible une transition hors de la d\u00e9pendance aux \u00e9nergies fossiles.Nous \u00e9baucherons trois sc\u00e9narios id\u00e9aux possibles dans lesquelles une transition post-p\u00e9troli\u00e8re pourrait se r\u00e9aliser. Un premier sc\u00e9nario mondialiste propose d&rsquo;op\u00e9rer les changements au niveau d&rsquo;instances globales. Ensuite, le sc\u00e9nario nationaliste pr\u00e9sente une transition effectu\u00e9e sous la souverainet\u00e9 de l&rsquo;\u00c9tat et pouvant user, par exemple, de mesures protectionnistes contrebalan\u00e7ant les tares du commerce international. Le troisi\u00e8me sc\u00e9nario, le sc\u00e9nario libertaire, met de l&rsquo;avant l&rsquo;id\u00e9e d&rsquo;une transition op\u00e9r\u00e9e par le bas, notamment en cr\u00e9ant des initiatives collectives, en recherchant l&rsquo;autarcie et la r\u00e9silience, en d\u00e9veloppant des centres de pouvoirs et des associations parall\u00e8les, etc. Nous d\u00e9montrerons les forces et les limites de chacun des sc\u00e9narios, pour finalement \u00e9laborer un mod\u00e8le mixte r\u00e9aliste, nous semblant le plus propice \u00e0 cette transition vers une ind\u00e9pendance p\u00e9troli\u00e8re.<\/p>\n<h5>Feminist Energy Transition: Petrofeminism, Deep Energy Literacy, and Decolonized Futures<\/h5>\n<p>David Vachon, Universit\u00e9 de Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>This talk will define and contextualize the concept of deep energy literacy. Deep energy literacy demands meaningful reflection on how energy sources and systems are not only technological and infrastructural but also social. It requires an accounting of how oil-powered patriarchal colonial capitalism and the climate change that it has triggered have produced and continue to enforce extreme inequities built on histories of systemic violence that disadvantage the majority of the global population living on the margins of modern life, not to mention a whole host of species endangered on a warming and increasingly toxic planet. New energy sources will create new material conditions for the forms and habits of social life out of which new politics, new economies, and new ways of being and doing will arise. This talk will argue for feminist energy transition, with its political potential to resist and redress the ongoing inequities of the age of oil and fossil-fuelled power.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Sheena  Wilson, University of Alberta, Petrocultures Research Group (Edmonton, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Les mouvements \u00e9cologistes au Qu\u00e9bec et au Canada <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#38a825; color:#fff\">\u00c9cologie<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Ven 16:00 &#8211; PK-R605 &#8211; FR &#8211; Atelier introductif<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc102\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Martin Poirier, NON \u00e0 une mar\u00e9e noire dans le Saint-Laurent (Canada) <\/br>Nicolas Chevalier, Leap Montreal (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Bruno Mass\u00e9, R\u00e9seau qu\u00e9b\u00e9cois des groupes \u00e9cologistes (RQGE) (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Jacinthe Leblanc, R\u00e9seau qu\u00e9b\u00e9cois des groupes \u00e9cologistes (RQGE) (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Philippe Saint-Hilaire Gravel, R\u00e9seau qu\u00e9b\u00e9cois des groupes \u00e9cologistes (RQGE) (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Christophe Aura,  (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc102\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Les mouvements \u00e9cologistes au Qu\u00e9bec et au Canada <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5>Portrait \u00e9nerg\u00e9tique du Qu\u00e9bec et r\u00e9sistance citoyenne<\/h5>\n<p>Martin Poirier, NON \u00e0 une mar\u00e9e noire dans le Saint-Laurent (Canada) <\/br><\/p>\n<p>Comment la lutte citoyenne dans le dossier des hydrocarbures s&rsquo;inscrit comme un axe majeur de la transition \u00e9nerg\u00e9tique et des d\u00e9fis face aux grands bouleversement \u00e9nerg\u00e9tique ?<\/p>\n<h5>Pr\u00e9sentation du manifeste Leap<\/h5>\n<p>Nicolas Chevalier, Leap Montreal (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Le groupe Leap Montr\u00e9al est un groupe local qui cherche \u00e0 promouvoir le manifeste un bond vers l\u2019avant, document qui se veut un recueil de demandes \u00e0 travers beaucoup de mouvements. Le tout veux profiter de la transition \u00e9nerg\u00e9tique n\u00e9cessaire \u00e0 l\u2019\u00e9vitement du pire des changements climatiques pour remettre les balances en place. D\u2019une relation plus harmonieuse envers l\u2019environnement et l\u2019un l\u2019autre au droit de vivre dans le respect, l\u2019entraide et la sollicitude, le document se veut une base pour b\u00e2tir la transition qui effacera enfin les dommages du mod\u00e8le capitaliste, extractivisme et exploiteur. Il s\u2019agira d\u2019une pr\u00e9sentation qui \u00e0 \u00e9t\u00e9 donn\u00e9 d\u00e9j\u00e0 \u00e0 plusieurs groupes citoyens locaux, ainsi qu\u2019aux Front Commun pour la Transition \u00c9nerg\u00e9tique, dont Leap Montr\u00e9al est maintenant membre. 1- Pr\u00e9sentation de plusieurs enjeux diverse qui touchent le monde actuellement: La crise migratoire, les \u00e9v\u00e8nements extr\u00eames qui sont en hausse (Ouragans, feux de for\u00eat, inondations, etc.), l&rsquo;agrandissement des in\u00e9galit\u00e9s et autres crises qui ne semble pas connexe en premier lieu. 2- Suivra une pr\u00e9sentation du manifeste \u00ab\u00a0Un Bond Vers L&rsquo;avant\u00a0\u00bb (\u00ab\u00a0Leap Manifesto\u00a0\u00bb https:\/\/take.theleap.org\/petitions\/sign-the-leap-manifesto), de son historique et de ses 15 demandes. 3- Suivra une activit\u00e9 interactive avec la foule pour d\u00e9terminer les liens entre les demandes. 4- Finissant sur l&rsquo;importance des agenda intersectionnels et les plans que Leap Montreal et l&rsquo;organisme Leap central on pour cr\u00e9er un front uni pour une vrai transition juste.<\/p>\n<h5>Portrait des groupes \u00e9cologistes communautaires du Qu\u00e9bec<\/h5>\n<p>Bruno Mass\u00e9, R\u00e9seau qu\u00e9b\u00e9cois des groupes \u00e9cologistes (RQGE) (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>\u00c0 quoi ressemble le mouvement \u00e9cologiste du Qu\u00e9bec, aujourd&rsquo;hui? Tandis qu&rsquo;il y a beaucoup d&rsquo;information m\u00e9diatis\u00e9e sur les luttes, il y a bien peu de litt\u00e9rature sur la vie des groupes en soit, leurs identit\u00e9s, valeurs, ressources et perceptions. Afin de mieux comprendre le mouvement, nous avons sond\u00e9 les membres du R\u00e9seau qu\u00e9b\u00e9cois des groupes \u00e9cologistes (RQGE) et 45 groupes ont particip\u00e9, offrant une fen\u00eatre in\u00e9dite sur leur r\u00e9alit\u00e9. Pr\u00e9sentation des r\u00e9sultats suivi d&rsquo;une discussion.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Jacinthe Leblanc, R\u00e9seau qu\u00e9b\u00e9cois des groupes \u00e9cologistes (RQGE) (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Philippe Saint-Hilaire Gravel, R\u00e9seau qu\u00e9b\u00e9cois des groupes \u00e9cologistes (RQGE) (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5>La mobilisation dans la for\u00eat du Qu\u00e9bec : les d\u00e9fis d\u2019une collaboration \u00e9largie<\/h5>\n<p>Christophe Aura,  (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>La sortie du documentaire-choc L\u2019erreur bor\u00e9ale en 1999, d\u00e9non\u00e7ant les exc\u00e8s de l\u2019industrie foresti\u00e8re autant sur le plan \u00e9cologique que social, a \u00e9t\u00e9 \u00e0 l\u2019origine d\u2019un vaste mouvement au Qu\u00e9bec visant \u00e0 modifier un r\u00e9gime jug\u00e9 trop complaisant \u00e0 l\u2019\u00e9gard des entreprises qui la composent. Des groupes nationaux et internationaux se sont rapidement joints \u00e0 cette mobilisation, issue initialement d\u2019un sentiment de d\u00e9possession v\u00e9cu \u00e0 l\u2019\u00e9chelle des communaut\u00e9s foresti\u00e8res. Cette situation, marqu\u00e9e par la confrontation de conceptions et d\u2019int\u00e9r\u00eats divergents, a men\u00e9 \u00e0 des tensions entre certaines parties prenantes et celles-ci pourraient avoir eu un impact sur la capacit\u00e9 du mouvement \u00e0 faire valoir l\u2019ensemble de ses revendications. Plus encore, l\u2019\u00e9volution de cette mobilisation a mis en lumi\u00e8re un enjeu historique au Qu\u00e9bec qui ne manque pas d\u2019affecter les luttes \u00e9cologistes : le clivage entre centres urbains et r\u00e9gions. Comment les tensions entre les parties prenantes aux diff\u00e9rentes \u00e9chelles ont-elles affect\u00e9 la mobilisation dans la for\u00eat du Qu\u00e9bec et renforc\u00e9 l\u2019\u00e9mergence d\u2019un contre-mouvement\u2009? Quelles actions pourraient \u00eatre entreprises pour tenter de surmonter ces d\u00e9fis et anticiper de possibles enjeux similaires lors d\u2019autres mobilisations ? Comment ces enjeux renforcent-ils le clivage entre les centres urbains et les r\u00e9gions\u2009? Outre le cadre restreint de la mobilisation dans la for\u00eat, ces questionnements pourraient contribuer \u00e0 la r\u00e9flexion plus g\u00e9n\u00e9rale sur le mouvement \u00e9cologiste au Qu\u00e9bec.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Convergences \u00e9co-sociales <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#38a825; color:#fff\">\u00c9cologie<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Sam 9:30 &#8211; SH-3140 &#8211; EN &#8211; Atelier introductif<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc66\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Sabrina Fernandes, Universidade de Bras\u00edlia (Bras\u00edlia, Br\u00e9sil) <\/br>Jen Gobby, McGill University, Economics for the Anthropocene, Climate Justice Montreal (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc66\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Convergences \u00e9co-sociales <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5>Helping our struggles converge: ecossocialism as a horizon for anti-capitalist and anti-opression movements<\/h5>\n<p>Sabrina Fernandes, Universidade de Bras\u00edlia (Bras\u00edlia, Br\u00e9sil) <\/br><\/p>\n<p>The 21st Century presents us with a scenario of complex and intertwined struggles. They are found within the direct realm of class struggle in the capitalist industry, as well as against globalized capital, the privatization of water, the spread of rape culture, the rise in racism and xenophobia, and every other expression related to climate change, the financial market, imperialism, sexism and fascism. These struggles are ubiquitous and are often led by the same people, in the same place, at the same time. Yet, the fragmentation of struggles remain, sometimes putting movements at odds with each other, as would be the case of some labour unions fighting to keep an open pit mine open while locals fight to close the mine due to its environmental and health impacts. In cases such as this one, related to environmental concerns, the tendency to place environmentalism outside of the classical anti-capitalist struggles is damaging both to the environment and to mobilization prospects. A false dychotomy is created when, in fact, the environmental agenda has much to add to anti-capitalist and anti-oppression movements. Through a discussion of ecosocialism, I argue that the ecosocialist perspective is useful to reconciling these movements while bringing due emphasis to aspects such as health, quality of living, our relationship to the planet, and how we organize production beyond simply changing its capitalist modus operandi. By bringing examples from movements in the Global South, including examples from personal activist experience, as well as particular struggles found in the North, I suggest that the value-changing tenets of ecosocialism offer an important horizon that connects these struggles and may even help to grow the movements and foster leftist political consciousness.<\/p>\n<h5>Towards Decarbonizing and Decolonizing Canada: A convergence of anti-capitalist movements?<\/h5>\n<p>Jen Gobby, McGill University, Economics for the Anthropocene, Climate Justice Montreal (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>There are multiple intersecting social-ecological crises currently faced in Canada. These include increasing impacts of anthropogenic climate change, growing economic inequality, and the disproportionate levels of poverty and suffering in Indigenous communities across the country.  While these crises persist, the federal government is continuing to approve pipelines and other oil and gas infrastructure projects which will facilitate the expansion of the Alberta tar sands, one of the largest single green house gas emitting projects on the globe. These fossil fuel projects are exacerbating the aforementioned crises, while disproportionately impacting Indigenous communities who are on the front lines of both climate impacts and the impacts of the expansion of oil and gas industries. In response to this, grassroots groups, non-governmental organizations and Indigenous communities are working hard to contest the capitalist logics that underlie the continued expansion of the oil and gas industry.  People in the anti-pipeline, climate justice and Indigenous land defense movements are resisting unwanted projects as well as developing and promoting alternatives while challenging the dominant narratives about Canada\u2019s economic and energy systems.  All the folks I&rsquo;ve worked with on this research clearly identify capitalism and colonialism as the root causes of the current crises being faced and they target these systems in their change strategies. This paper brings together several years of qualitative research developed and conducted in collaboration with activists in these broad movements. Gathered through participant observation, over 60 in depth interviews, and more than 50 completed questionnaires, these research findings explore the theories of change held by activists and organizers as well as the tactics and strategies being used to make change. This work also explores the major barriers to change being faced by this movement, including internal tensions and external forces. Ultimately, this project is a collective strategizing on what can be done to overcome the barriers and increase the transformative power of these movements to successfully contest, weaken, and provide alternatives to capitalism.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Capital en tant que pouvoir : \u00c9nergie et Hi\u00e9rarchie <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#38a825; color:#fff\">\u00c9cologie<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Sam 9:30 &#8211; SH-2580 &#8211; EN &#8211; Atelier avanc\u00e9<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc77\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Blair Fix, York University (Toronto, Canada) <\/br>Jonathan  Nitzan, York University (Toronto, Canada)<\/br>Shimshon Bichler,  (Isra\u00ebl)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc77\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Capital en tant que pouvoir : \u00c9nergie et Hi\u00e9rarchie <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5>Energy and Institution Size<\/h5>\n<p>Blair Fix, York University (Toronto, Canada) <\/br><\/p>\n<p>Why do institutions grow? Despite nearly a century of scientific effort, there remains little consensus on this topic. I offer a new approach that focuses on energy consumption. A systemic relation exists between institution size and energy consumption per capita: as energy consumption increases, institutions become larger. I propose that this trend has to do with a general increase in social hierarchy that accompanies increases in energy consumption.<\/p>\n<h5>Growing through Sabotage: Energizing Hierarchical Power<\/h5>\n<p>Jonathan  Nitzan, York University (Toronto, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>According to the theory of capital as power, capitalism, like any other mode of power, is born through sabotage and lives in chains \u2013 and yet everywhere we look we see it grow and expand. What explains this apparent puzzle of &lsquo;growth in the midst of sabotage&rsquo;? The answer, we argue, begins with the very meaning of \u2018growth\u2019. Whereas conventional political economy equates the growth with a rising standard of living, we posit that much of this growth has nothing to do with livelihood as such: it represents not the improvement of wellbeing, but the expansion of sabotage itself. Building on this premise, the article historicizes, theorizes and models the relationship between changes in hierarchical power and sabotage on the one hand and the growth of energy capture on the other. It claims that hierarchical power is sought for its own sake; that building and sustaining this power demands strategic sabotage; and that sabotage absorbs a significant proportion of the energy captured by society. From this standpoint, capitalism grows, at least in part, not despite or because of sabotage, but through sabotage.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Shimshon Bichler,  (Isra\u00ebl)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">D\u00e9bat : La gauche et l&rsquo;urgence \u00e9cologique: quelle voie emprunter? <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#38a825; color:#fff\">\u00c9cologie<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Sam 11:30 &#8211; SH-3620 &#8211; EN\/FR(Traduction disponible) &#8211; Atelier introductif<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc99\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">Dans le firmament intellectuel de la gauche, il y a trois visions distinctes et divergentes d&rsquo;un avenir post-capitaliste \u00e9cologiquement viable: l&rsquo;\u00e9cosocialisme, la d\u00e9croissance et l&rsquo;\u00e9comodernisme de gauche. Alors que toutes les trois s&rsquo;inspirent de l&rsquo;h\u00e9ritage marxiste et de la pens\u00e9e socialiste, chacune  souligne diff\u00e9rents \u00e9l\u00e9ments et interpr\u00e9tations de cet h\u00e9ritage, menant \u00e0 des conflits fondamentaux sur des questions telles que le r\u00f4le et la promesse de la technologie, la poursuite de la croi&#8230;<\/p>\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Roger Rashi, Alternatives (Montr\u00e9al, Canada) <\/br>Yves-Marie Abraham, HEC (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Maristella Svampa, Universidad Nacional de C\u00f3rdoba (C\u00f3rdoba, Argentine)<\/br>Andrea Levy, Canadian Dimension (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc99\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">D\u00e9bat : La gauche et l&rsquo;urgence \u00e9cologique: quelle voie emprunter? <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Dans le firmament intellectuel de la gauche, il y a trois visions distinctes et divergentes d&rsquo;un avenir post-capitaliste \u00e9cologiquement viable: l&rsquo;\u00e9cosocialisme, la d\u00e9croissance et l&rsquo;\u00e9comodernisme de gauche. Alors que toutes les trois s&rsquo;inspirent de l&rsquo;h\u00e9ritage marxiste et de la pens\u00e9e socialiste, chacune  souligne diff\u00e9rents \u00e9l\u00e9ments et interpr\u00e9tations de cet h\u00e9ritage, menant \u00e0 des conflits fondamentaux sur des questions telles que le r\u00f4le et la promesse de la technologie, la poursuite de la croissance \u00e9conomique, la surconsommation et la croissance de la population humaine. Alors que les trois concourent \u00e0 consid\u00e9rer le capitalisme comme un syst\u00e8me de production et de consommation (ultimement) \u00e9cologiquement catastrophique, les divergences dans leurs conceptions d&rsquo;une civilisation humaine durable au-del\u00e0 du capitalisme sont suffisamment importantes pour douter qu&rsquo;elles puissent \u00eatre r\u00e9concili\u00e9es. Le but de ce panel est de sonder et de clarifier les diff\u00e9rences, tout en entamant un dialogue pour \u00e9largir le terrain d&rsquo;entente. <\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p>Roger Rashi, Alternatives (Montr\u00e9al, Canada) <\/br><\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Yves-Marie Abraham, HEC (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Maristella Svampa, Universidad Nacional de C\u00f3rdoba (C\u00f3rdoba, Argentine)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Andrea Levy, Canadian Dimension (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"row themeprogback\" style=\"background-image: url(https:\/\/thegreattransition.net\/wp-content\/uploads\/2018\/02\/capitalisme.jpg)\" id=\"2\">\n<div class=\"themetitle\" style=\"background-color: #2563a8;\">\n<h4 class=\"themefont\" style=\"color: #fff;\">Capitalisme<\/h4>\n<\/p><\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"row horaireback\">\n<div class=\"col-sm-2 col-xs-5\">                            <\/div>\n<div class=\"col-sm-10 col-xs-12\">\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Accumulation pr\u00e9caire I &#8211; Valeur, finance et capitalisme <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#2563a8; color:#fff\">Capitalisme<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Ven 9:30 &#8211; SH-R810 &#8211; EN &#8211; Atelier avanc\u00e9<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc46\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">This first panel in the \u00ab\u00a0Precarious Accumulation serie\u00a0\u00bb will consider: The relationship between debt, profit and accumulation;The impact of structural inequalities on trajectories of economic growth \u2013 as emphasized, for instance, by the framework of Uneven and Combined Development;The centrality of the state in the accumulation process \u2013 as emphasized, for instance, by the framework of geopolitical economy.\u00a0\u00bb<\/p>\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Paul Kellogg, Athabasca University (Athabasca, Canada) <\/br>Radhika Desai, University of Manitoba (Winnipeg, Canada)<\/br>Robert Latham , York University (Toronto, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Animation: Niko Block<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc46\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Accumulation pr\u00e9caire I &#8211; Valeur, finance et capitalisme <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>This first panel in the \u00ab\u00a0Precarious Accumulation serie\u00a0\u00bb will consider: The relationship between debt, profit and accumulation;The impact of structural inequalities on trajectories of economic growth \u2013 as emphasized, for instance, by the framework of Uneven and Combined Development;The centrality of the state in the accumulation process \u2013 as emphasized, for instance, by the framework of geopolitical economy.\u00a0\u00bb<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p>Paul Kellogg, Athabasca University (Athabasca, Canada) <\/br><\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Radhika Desai, University of Manitoba (Winnipeg, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Robert Latham , York University (Toronto, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<p>Animation: Niko Block<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">La sant\u00e9\u00a0: h\u00e9g\u00e9monie capitaliste et inspirations anticapitalistes <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#2563a8; color:#fff\">Capitalisme<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Ven 9:30 &#8211; SH-2420 &#8211; FR &#8211; Atelier avanc\u00e9<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc71\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Jennie-Laure Sully, Institut de recherche et d&rsquo;informations socio-\u00e9conomiques (IRIS) (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Anne Plourde, Universit\u00e9 du Qu\u00e9bec \u00e0 Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Guillaume H\u00e9bert, Institut de recherche et d&rsquo;informations socio-\u00e9conomiques (IRIS) (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Samir Shaheen-Hussain, militant pour la justice sociale et p\u00e9diatre urgentiste (Tionni\u2019tiotiah:ke, aka Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Animation: \u00c9lisabeth B\u00e9fort-Doucet<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc71\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">La sant\u00e9\u00a0: h\u00e9g\u00e9monie capitaliste et inspirations anticapitalistes <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5>Capitalisme et sant\u00e9: h\u00e9g\u00e9monie et contre-h\u00e9g\u00e9monie<\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<p>La sant\u00e9 est, en tant que ph\u00e9nom\u00e8ne social, pleinement inscrite dans le syst\u00e8me capitaliste : si l\u2019acc\u00e8s aux soins et aux services de sant\u00e9 est de toute \u00e9vidence affect\u00e9 par la dynamique propre au capitalisme et par les rapports de force qui le traversent, il en va de m\u00eame de l\u2019organisation des soins et des services (notamment au niveau du type de soins et de services prioris\u00e9), ainsi que (et cela est peut-\u00eatre moins bien connu) de la conception m\u00eame de la sant\u00e9 et de la maladie qui pr\u00e9domine presque sans partage dans nos soci\u00e9t\u00e9s. En cela, on peut certainement parler d\u2019une v\u00e9ritable \u00ab h\u00e9g\u00e9monie capitaliste \u00bb dans le domaine sanitaire.Ainsi, sous le capitalisme tend \u00e0 s\u2019imposer une conception \u00e9troite, individualiste et essentiellement biom\u00e9canique de la sant\u00e9 dans laquelle la maladie est le plus souvent appr\u00e9hend\u00e9e \u00e0 partir de ses causes biologiques (virus, bact\u00e9ries, pr\u00e9dispositions g\u00e9n\u00e9tiques, etc.) et\/ou individuelles (comportements, habitudes de vie, etc.). Cons\u00e9quemment, la maladie est g\u00e9n\u00e9ralement con\u00e7ue comme un probl\u00e8me technique requ\u00e9rant des solutions techniques, et donc appelant le d\u00e9veloppement de pratiques, de savoirs et de discours experts port\u00e9s et mis en \u0153uvre par une \u00e9lite professionnelle : les m\u00e9decins. Cette \u00e9lite jouit de ce fait d\u2019une place pr\u00e9pond\u00e9rante et d\u2019une position dominante dans le domaine de la sant\u00e9, mais aussi plus largement d\u2019un statut socio-\u00e9conomique privil\u00e9gi\u00e9. Elle partage donc une certaine communaut\u00e9 d\u2019int\u00e9r\u00eat avec la classe capitaliste, qui se refl\u00e8te \u00e9galement sur le plan id\u00e9ologique.Cette proximit\u00e9 sociale des m\u00e9decins avec la classe capitaliste s\u2019enracine \u00e9galement dans la persistance du mod\u00e8le de la m\u00e9decine lib\u00e9rale fond\u00e9e sur la pratique priv\u00e9e de m\u00e9decins-entrepreneurs et entrepreneuses, mod\u00e8le qui continue, bien que sous des formes renouvel\u00e9es, de s\u2019imposer comme pivot de l\u2019organisation des soins et des services. Ceci est coh\u00e9rent avec le fait que, de mani\u00e8re typique, cette organisation est dans les soci\u00e9t\u00e9s capitalistes g\u00e9n\u00e9ralement centr\u00e9e sur les soins et les services curatifs et caract\u00e9ris\u00e9e par des tendances fortement hospitalo-centriques : sont prioris\u00e9s les soins et services sp\u00e9cialis\u00e9s et ultra-sp\u00e9cialis\u00e9s prodigu\u00e9s dans des centres hospitaliers de pointe et requ\u00e9rant des d\u00e9penses toujours croissantes (priv\u00e9es et\/ou publiques) qui b\u00e9n\u00e9ficient massivement aux g\u00e9ants (priv\u00e9s) de l\u2019industrie pharmaceutique et des technologies biom\u00e9dicales.\u00c0 cette \u00ab h\u00e9g\u00e9monie capitaliste \u00bb dans le domaine de la sant\u00e9, il est possible d\u2019opposer une \u00ab contre-h\u00e9g\u00e9monie anti-capitaliste \u00bb dont on peut trouver des bases, notamment, dans certaines pratiques et revendications historiques des mouvements populaires, syndicaux, f\u00e9ministes et anti-racistes en mati\u00e8re de sant\u00e9. C\u2019est donc une r\u00e9flexion critique sur cette \u00ab h\u00e9g\u00e9monie capitaliste \u00bb, mais aussi une contribution \u00e0 la construction de cette \u00ab contre-h\u00e9g\u00e9monie anti-capitaliste \u00bb qui sont propos\u00e9es avec ce panel portant sur le capitalisme et la sant\u00e9.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Jennie-Laure Sully, Institut de recherche et d&rsquo;informations socio-\u00e9conomiques (IRIS) (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>L\u2019aust\u00e9rit\u00e9 tue. Plus qu\u2019une intuition ou une vue de l\u2019esprit, il s\u2019agit d\u2019une r\u00e9alit\u00e9 dont la d\u00e9monstration a \u00e9t\u00e9 faite d\u00e8s 2013 par les sp\u00e9cialistes en sant\u00e9 publique et en \u00e9pid\u00e9miologie Stuckler et Basu dans un livre ayant pour sous-titre\u00a0\u00ab \u00c9pid\u00e9mies, d\u00e9pressions, suicides\u00a0: l\u2019\u00e9conomie inhumaine \u00bb. Ainsi, dans un contexte d\u2019aust\u00e9rit\u00e9, ce que les gouvernements n\u00e9olib\u00e9raux nomment pompeusement syst\u00e8mes de sant\u00e9 sont, en pratique, des syst\u00e8mes de gestion de la maladie. Une fois ce constat pos\u00e9, que peuvent faire les populations victimes de ces politiques mortif\u00e8res ? En passant en revue des initiatives de d\u00e9mocratisation de la sant\u00e9 telles que les exp\u00e9riences de communaut\u00e9s saines (municipios saludables) du Br\u00e9sil et celles des coop\u00e9ratives de sant\u00e9 en Am\u00e9rique du Nord et ailleurs, Jennie-Laure Sully tentera d\u2019identifier des \u00e9l\u00e9ments de r\u00e9ponse.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Anne Plourde, Universit\u00e9 du Qu\u00e9bec \u00e0 Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Anne Plourde se demandera ensuite quelles le\u00e7ons peuvent \u00eatre tir\u00e9es de l\u2019exp\u00e9rience radicale des cliniques populaires qui \u00e9mergent durant les ann\u00e9es 1960 et 1970 pour la construction d\u2019une contre-h\u00e9g\u00e9monie anticapitaliste et d\u2019une strat\u00e9gie de transition dans le domaine de la sant\u00e9. Dans cette perspective, quelle conception de la sant\u00e9 et de la maladie et quelles revendications en mati\u00e8re d\u2019organisation des soins et des services opposer aux conceptions et pratiques pr\u00e9dominantes dans les soci\u00e9t\u00e9s capitalistes?<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Guillaume H\u00e9bert, Institut de recherche et d&rsquo;informations socio-\u00e9conomiques (IRIS) (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>L\u2019id\u00e9ologie n\u00e9olib\u00e9rale qui domine nos institutions combin\u00e9e \u00e0 une approche technique, biom\u00e9dicale et individualis\u00e9e de la sant\u00e9 donne l\u2019impression qu\u2019on ne peut \u00e9chapper \u00e0 cette \u00ab\u00a0pens\u00e9e unique\u00a0\u00bb qui inspire toutes les r\u00e9formes des politiques publiques. Tout ce qui n\u2019est pas compatible avec le cadre retreint du capitalisme occidental est alors condamn\u00e9 \u00e0 dispara\u00eetre. Contre ce fatalisme, Guillaume H\u00e9bert nous proposera de faire l\u2019exercice d\u2019imaginer quel pourrait \u00eatre un syst\u00e8me public qui serait soumis \u00e0 l\u2019int\u00e9r\u00eat collectif plut\u00f4t qu\u2019\u00e0 ceux d\u2019une \u00e9lite. On n\u2019a d\u2019ailleurs qu\u2019\u00e0 porter notre regard sur certaines exp\u00e9riences internationales pour s\u2019apercevoir que l\u2019approche biom\u00e9dicale individualis\u00e9e peut \u00eatre contenue plut\u00f4t qu\u2019envahissante.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Samir Shaheen-Hussain, militant pour la justice sociale et p\u00e9diatre urgentiste (Tionni\u2019tiotiah:ke, aka Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Enfin, Samir Shaheen-Hussain conclura le panel avec un appel \u00e0 \u00e9largir et \u00e0 radicaliser les perspectives de la gauche en mati\u00e8re de sant\u00e9, perspectives domin\u00e9es par une pens\u00e9e sociale-d\u00e9mocrate \u00e9troite et par des revendications qui se limitent le plus souvent aux enjeux de la privatisation, du financement des services publics et de l\u2019acc\u00e8s aux services pour les citoyenNEs canadienNEs. \u00c0 partir d&rsquo;exemples tir\u00e9s d\u2019exp\u00e9riences de terrain dans lesquelles on vise \u00e0 centrer les marginalis\u00e9Es, Samir abordera des pistes strat\u00e9giques qui sortent des orni\u00e8res dans lesquelles se confinent trop souvent les luttes progressistes dans le domaine sanitaire dans l&rsquo;optique de b\u00e2tir des mouvements dynamiques et contestataires qui mettent les principes de la solidarit\u00e9 et de la justice sociale au c\u0153ur de leurs pr\u00e9occupations.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<p>Animation: \u00c9lisabeth B\u00e9fort-Doucet<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Sociologie critique du capitalisme <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#2563a8; color:#fff\">Capitalisme<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Ven 11:30 &#8211; PK-R605 &#8211; FR &#8211; Atelier introductif<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc2\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">Cet atelier introductif vise \u00e0 pr\u00e9ciser la nature et la port\u00e9e d\u2019une approche critique en rapport \u00e0 l&rsquo;\u00e9conomie. Il s\u2019agira avant tout de pr\u00e9ciser en quoi consiste une sociologie critique de l\u2019\u00e9conomie, en d\u00e9partageant celle-ci du discours \u00e9conomique lui-m\u00eame. Alors que la science \u00e9conomique tend \u00e0 aborder son objet comme un pur donn\u00e9, comme un fait qui va de soi ou encore comme une r\u00e9alit\u00e9 naturelle ou universelle qui aurait toujours exist\u00e9 \u2013 par exemple en soutenant que les march\u00e9s existaient d&#8230;<\/p>\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">\u00c9ric  N. Duhaime, Universit\u00e9 du Qu\u00e9bec \u00e0 Montr\u00e9al (UQAM) (Montr\u00e9al, Canada) <\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc2\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Sociologie critique du capitalisme <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Cet atelier introductif vise \u00e0 pr\u00e9ciser la nature et la port\u00e9e d\u2019une approche critique en rapport \u00e0 l&rsquo;\u00e9conomie. Il s\u2019agira avant tout de pr\u00e9ciser en quoi consiste une sociologie critique de l\u2019\u00e9conomie, en d\u00e9partageant celle-ci du discours \u00e9conomique lui-m\u00eame. Alors que la science \u00e9conomique tend \u00e0 aborder son objet comme un pur donn\u00e9, comme un fait qui va de soi ou encore comme une r\u00e9alit\u00e9 naturelle ou universelle qui aurait toujours exist\u00e9 \u2013 par exemple en soutenant que les march\u00e9s existaient d\u00e9j\u00e0 chez les soci\u00e9t\u00e9s primitives, sous la forme \u00e9l\u00e9mentaire du troc \u2013, nous montrerons \u00e0 l\u2019inverse que le point de d\u00e9part d\u2019une approche critique \u00e0 l\u2019\u00e9gard de l\u2019\u00e9conomie consiste \u00e0 reconna\u00eetre son caract\u00e8re irr\u00e9ductiblement social et historique. L\u2019objet de la critique de l\u2019\u00e9conomie se r\u00e9v\u00e9lera alors beaucoup plus ample qu\u2019il n\u2019y para\u00eet \u00e0 premi\u00e8re vue. Non seulement renvoie-t-il aux pratiques \u00e9conomiques de tous les jours, mais \u00e9galement aux institutions qui les encadrent ainsi qu\u2019aux discours \u00e9conomiques eux-m\u00eames. L\u2019\u00e9conomie comme discours, institutions et pratiques, voil\u00e0 l\u2019ampleur du probl\u00e8me que se donne \u00e0 r\u00e9fl\u00e9chir une approche critique en \u00e9conomie, de m\u00eame que l\u2019ensemble des fronts \u00e0 partir desquels elle s\u2019y confronte.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p>\u00c9ric  N. Duhaime, Universit\u00e9 du Qu\u00e9bec \u00e0 Montr\u00e9al (UQAM) (Montr\u00e9al, Canada) <\/br><\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Accumulation pr\u00e9caire II &#8211; Mat\u00e9rialisme historique intersectionnel <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#2563a8; color:#fff\">Capitalisme<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Ven 11:30 &#8211; SH-3220 &#8211; EN &#8211; Atelier avanc\u00e9<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc47\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">This second panel in the \u00ab\u00a0Precarious Accumulation serie\u00a0\u00bb will consider: The intersections of race, gender and class \u2013 from the standpoint of the  labour process, the accumulation process, and the state;The relationship between free and unfree labour \u2013 from the standpoint of  the labour process, the accumulation process, and the state;The manner in which the concrete analysis of actually-existing capitalism can be constrained and limited by overly-abstract and disembodied models of \u201cCapital\u201d.\u00a0\u00bb<\/p>\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Paul Kellogg, Athabasca University (Athabasca, Canada) <\/br>Abigail Bakan, University of Toronto (Toronto, Canada)<\/br>Elaine Coburn, York University (Toronto, Canada)<\/br>Peter Hudis, Oakton Community College (Des Plaines, USA)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc47\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Accumulation pr\u00e9caire II &#8211; Mat\u00e9rialisme historique intersectionnel <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>This second panel in the \u00ab\u00a0Precarious Accumulation serie\u00a0\u00bb will consider: The intersections of race, gender and class \u2013 from the standpoint of the  labour process, the accumulation process, and the state;The relationship between free and unfree labour \u2013 from the standpoint of  the labour process, the accumulation process, and the state;The manner in which the concrete analysis of actually-existing capitalism can be constrained and limited by overly-abstract and disembodied models of \u201cCapital\u201d.\u00a0\u00bb<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p>Paul Kellogg, Athabasca University (Athabasca, Canada) <\/br><\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Abigail Bakan, University of Toronto (Toronto, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Elaine Coburn, York University (Toronto, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Peter Hudis, Oakton Community College (Des Plaines, USA)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Capital en tant que pouvoir : Cr\u00e9er-organiser le pouvoir capitalis\u00e9 <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#2563a8; color:#fff\">Capitalisme<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Ven 11:30 &#8211; PK-R220 &#8211; EN &#8211; Atelier avanc\u00e9<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc90\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">DT Cochrane, Ryerson University (Toronto, Canada) <\/br>Ulf Martin, Independent Researcher (Allemagne)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc90\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Capital en tant que pouvoir : Cr\u00e9er-organiser le pouvoir capitalis\u00e9 <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5>Capitalization, Capital Goods and the State of Capital : the Boundaries of Accumulation<\/h5>\n<p>DT Cochrane, Ryerson University (Toronto, Canada) <\/br><\/p>\n<p>\u2018Capitalization\u2019 is a key concept and practice of finance. \u2018Capital goods\u2019 has been an important concept in political economy. However, the definition of capital goods has been a casualty of the confusing and contradictory outcomes of the debates around capital (Cohen &#038; Harcourt, 2003; Nitzan and Bichler, 2009). Political economists Jonathan Nitzan and Shimshon Bichler have offered the concept of \u2018state of capital\u2019 as part of theory of capital as power (CasP). With this presentation, I develop the state of capital concept to situate capital goods with respect to the forward-looking pricings of capitalization. While CasP has rejected production as the singular means of accumulation, it has never denied the importance of production. I will use the relationship between capitalization, capital goods and the state of capital as one approach to resituating production within CasP. Together, these three concepts can be used to map the qualitative dimension of accumulation.<\/p>\n<h5>Financial derivatives or the aucatalytic sprawl of pseudorational capitalist power<\/h5>\n<p>Ulf Martin, Independent Researcher (Allemagne)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Common economic analysis distinguishes the \u00ab\u00a0financial sector\u00a0\u00bb from the \u00ab\u00a0real economy\u00a0\u00bb with the former dominating the latter. This distinction is already rejected in the Capital As Power framework: \u00ab\u00a0capital is finance and only finance\u00a0\u00bb (Bichler\/Nitzan) and, as such, is THE control process of the capitalist order. We propose to go one step further: what is commonly called the financial sector should be understood as the application of the capitalist power process onto itself. Capital is the institutionalization of the modern imaginary of \u00ab\u00a0rational mastery\u00a0\u00bb (Castoriadis). Modern rationality is \u00ab\u00a0computable reason\u00a0\u00bb (Kr\u00e4mer). The institution of power (mastery, might) in capitalism is property. Modern money is generated through credit collateralized by property (Heinsohn\/Steiger): modern money is a property derivative which, being a number, makes power computable (\u00ab\u00a0Verm\u00f6gen\u00a0\u00bb). The credit system is the growth engine of capital. The inner contradictions of the credit system as well as the unknown future create risks which themselves are managed through the creation of further derivatives. Finance is \u00ab\u00a0rational\u00a0\u00bb by modern terms by being an attempt to \u00ab\u00a0master\u00a0\u00bb the inner contradictions of finance by applying its logic onto itself. But because the growth of finance, as an integral autocatalytic part of the differential accumulation process, creates the uncertainties it tries to overcome it is actually only a pseudorationality.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Accumulation, surplus, crise <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#2563a8; color:#fff\">Capitalisme<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Ven 11:30 &#8211; SH-2620 &#8211; EN(Traduction disponible) &#8211; Atelier avanc\u00e9<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc147\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Paul Stasi, University at Albany, SUNY (Albany, NY, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br>Paul Smith, George Mason University (Fairfax, VA, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br>Bret Benjamin, University at Albany, SUNY (Albany, NY, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br>Beverley Best, Concordia University (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc147\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Accumulation, surplus, crise <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5>Accumulation, Surplus, Crisis<\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<p>One of capital\u2019s central modal contradictions is that in the course of its insatiable hunt for profit it generates conditions that throw its own capacity for accumulation into crisis. Marx called this crisis dynamic overaccumulation, and its phenomenal expressions can be summarized as variations on the category of surplus\u2014surplus capital, surplus productive capacity, and surplus labour. This panel looks at the kinds of politics both thrown up and foreclosed in the contemporary era of overaccumulation and value crisis.<\/p>\n<h5>Surplus Value, Surplus Labor, Surplus Time<\/h5>\n<p>Paul Stasi, University at Albany, SUNY (Albany, NY, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>One of the best places to draw out the utopian potentials that emerge from Marx\u2019s critique of capital happens in The Grundrisse, where the term \u201csurplus\u201d moves from the central goal of capitalism\u2014the production of surplus value\u2014to the leisure time that allows, among other things, for its critique. But surplus will not produce critique on its own; Marx makes it clear that what is leisure for the capitalist class is immiseration for those dependent on a wage for survival. More than simply a tendency latent within capitalism, then, the production of surplus time opens up a fundamentally political question, one made all the more pressing with the coming automation, and the displacements it is likely to produce.<\/p>\n<h5>The current politics of surplus population<\/h5>\n<p>Paul Smith, George Mason University (Fairfax, VA, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>This presentation works on the hypothesis that our current phase of capitalist accumulation (the post-crisis moment of austerity) includes a clear change in posture towards surplus labour. The constitution of what Capital Vol I calls \u201cthe relative surplus population\u201d is continually changing, but the proposal here is that capitalism is now forming ways to extirpate the relative surplus population altogether. In our moment the surplus subject is just as likely to be completely abandoned by capitalism as it is to be put in reserve, incarcerated, etcetera. The presentation tries to explain both why and how this happening, and asks what political response there can be. <\/p>\n<h5>Developmental Aspiration at the End of Accumulation: Political Legacies of Bandung in the Era of Value Crisis<\/h5>\n<p>Bret Benjamin, University at Albany, SUNY (Albany, NY, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>In 1974 the UN passed the Resolution for a New International Economic Order (NIEO)\u2014an event that Vijay Prashad dubs \u201cthe highest point in the Third World Project.\u201d This presentation reads the NIEO as a political program woefully mismatched with the objective determinants of an emerging era, the final utopian expression of the Bandung Era in the face of a value crisis (persuasively analyzed by Wertkritik theorists Robert Kurz, and Ernst Lohoff). This presentation considers the political legacies and limits both of the NIEO and the Wertkritik theorists. <\/p>\n<h5>Value crisis and value struggle<\/h5>\n<p>Beverley Best, Concordia University (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Capital\u2019s production of surplus labour can refer to both the expulsion of labour from production in the drive to increase productivity and to growing global surplus populations always-already separated from the means of reproduction, never to be absorbed into any formal economy. This singular if two-sided process, intensifying since the 1970s, is the historical stage for a transition in anti-capital resistance, identified by Joshua Clover in Riot Strike Riot, from production struggles to circulation struggles. This presentation will argue that if we work from the register of the concept of capital, we can reconceptualize both production and circulation struggles as value struggles and identify an objective continuity at the centre of the long crisis even as it takes the form of what appears to be an impossibly stratified and internally antagonistic working class.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Des origines \u00e0 la mondialisation n\u00e9olib\u00e9rale : une histoire du capitalisme <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#2563a8; color:#fff\">Capitalisme<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Ven 14:00 &#8211; SH-R810 &#8211; FR &#8211; Atelier introductif<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc3\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">Cet atelier se veut une introduction aux diff\u00e9rentes phases historiques du d\u00e9veloppement capitaliste, de ses origines jusqu\u2019\u00e0 aujourd\u2019hui (sous-th\u00e8me: Histoire du capitalisme: de sa naissance \u00e0 aujourd&rsquo;hui). Tout d\u2019abord, il pr\u00e9sentera diff\u00e9rentes th\u00e8ses sur les origines du capitalisme, en d\u00e9montrant que celles-ci sont intimement li\u00e9es \u00e0 un d\u00e9bat sur la nature m\u00eame de ce qu\u2019est le capitalisme. Ensuite, il abordera les dimensions g\u00e9o-politiques de son d\u00e9veloppement in\u00e9gal \u00e0 travers diff\u00e9rentes r\u00e9&#8230;<\/p>\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Christian P\u00e9pin, Universit\u00e9 York \/ Collectif d&rsquo;analyse de la financiarisation du capitalisme avanc\u00e9 (CAFCA) (Toronto, Canada) <\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc3\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Des origines \u00e0 la mondialisation n\u00e9olib\u00e9rale : une histoire du capitalisme <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Cet atelier se veut une introduction aux diff\u00e9rentes phases historiques du d\u00e9veloppement capitaliste, de ses origines jusqu\u2019\u00e0 aujourd\u2019hui (sous-th\u00e8me: Histoire du capitalisme: de sa naissance \u00e0 aujourd&rsquo;hui). Tout d\u2019abord, il pr\u00e9sentera diff\u00e9rentes th\u00e8ses sur les origines du capitalisme, en d\u00e9montrant que celles-ci sont intimement li\u00e9es \u00e0 un d\u00e9bat sur la nature m\u00eame de ce qu\u2019est le capitalisme. Ensuite, il abordera les dimensions g\u00e9o-politiques de son d\u00e9veloppement in\u00e9gal \u00e0 travers diff\u00e9rentes r\u00e9gions du monde dans le contexte de l\u2019ascension de l\u2019empire britannique. Les grandes crises de la fin du 19e si\u00e8cle et des ann\u00e9es 30 seront ensuite analys\u00e9es  et articul\u00e9es \u00e0 la mont\u00e9e des rivalit\u00e9s inter-imp\u00e9riales et coloniales. La mise en place de l\u2019ordre d\u2019apr\u00e8s-guerre sous l\u2019h\u00e9g\u00e9monie des \u00c9tats-Unis sera ensuite analys\u00e9e, de m\u00eame que la r\u00e9alit\u00e9 in\u00e9gale du d\u00e9veloppement des \u00c9tats-providences et des rattrapages \u00e9conomiques au Nord comme au Sud. Une attention particuli\u00e8re sera accord\u00e9e \u00e0 la d\u00e9mystification de ce soi-disant \u00e2ge d\u2019or du capitalisme. Ensuite, il abordera la crise des ann\u00e9es 70, et ce qui a men\u00e9 \u00e0 l\u2019offensive n\u00e9olib\u00e9rale. Enfin, l\u2019atelier va terminer sur la crise de 2007-08.Chaque p\u00e9riode analys\u00e9e sera pr\u00e9sent\u00e9e en r\u00e9f\u00e9rence aux transformations en mati\u00e8re technologique et de l\u2019organisation du travail, de l\u2019entreprise, du syst\u00e8me mon\u00e9taire et financier, d\u2019intervention de l\u2019\u00c9tat, et des relations inter-\u00e9tatiques. L\u2019atelier va insister sur l\u2019importance de prendre au s\u00e9rieux le d\u00e9veloppement du capitalisme en tant que processus historique. Car reconna\u00eetre qu\u2019il n\u2019y avait rien d\u2019in\u00e9vitable dans sa mondialisation, c\u2019est aussi reconna\u00eetre qu\u2019il n\u2019y a rien d\u2019in\u00e9vitable dans son effondrement et son remplacement par un nouveau type de soci\u00e9t\u00e9.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p>Christian P\u00e9pin, Universit\u00e9 York \/ Collectif d&rsquo;analyse de la financiarisation du capitalisme avanc\u00e9 (CAFCA) (Toronto, Canada) <\/br><\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Totalitarisme pervers et souverainet\u00e9 des corporations<span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#2563a8; color:#fff\">Capitalisme<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Ven 14:00 &#8211; SH-2420 &#8211; FR &#8211; Atelier introductif<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc32\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">L&rsquo;essor des multinationales au XXe si\u00e8cle a modifier en profondeur la fa\u00e7on d&rsquo;appr\u00e9hender la notion de souverainet\u00e9 et de pouvoir. M\u00eame au sens strictement formel, il appert que les \u00c9tats n&rsquo;en ont pas le monopole. Une nouvelle autorit\u00e9 se d\u00e9veloppe ind\u00e9pendamment d&rsquo;eux, et interagit avec eux, soit celui des multinationales. Celles-ci exercent leur pouvoir sur des \u00e9chelles, selon des logiques, sur des modes et par des approches qui diff\u00e8rent des pratiques connues des autorit\u00e9s politiques. Se mont&#8230;<\/p>\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Alain Deneault, Coll\u00e8ge international de philosophie (Paris, France) <\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc32\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Totalitarisme pervers et souverainet\u00e9 des corporations<\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>L&rsquo;essor des multinationales au XXe si\u00e8cle a modifier en profondeur la fa\u00e7on d&rsquo;appr\u00e9hender la notion de souverainet\u00e9 et de pouvoir. M\u00eame au sens strictement formel, il appert que les \u00c9tats n&rsquo;en ont pas le monopole. Une nouvelle autorit\u00e9 se d\u00e9veloppe ind\u00e9pendamment d&rsquo;eux, et interagit avec eux, soit celui des multinationales. Celles-ci exercent leur pouvoir sur des \u00e9chelles, selon des logiques, sur des modes et par des approches qui diff\u00e8rent des pratiques connues des autorit\u00e9s politiques. Se montrant souvent complices des \u00c9tats, ou vice versa, les multinationales font valoir leur autorit\u00e9 selon une nouvelle \u00e9conomie psychique, perverse plut\u00f4t que psychotique ou n\u00e9vros\u00e9e, et rappellent d\u00e8s lors l&rsquo;importance de d\u00e9velopper quant \u00e0 elles une nouvelle lecture, d&rsquo;inspiration freudo-marxiste.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p>Alain Deneault, Coll\u00e8ge international de philosophie (Paris, France) <\/br><\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Les classes sociales aujourd&rsquo;hui <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#2563a8; color:#fff\">Capitalisme<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Ven 14:00 &#8211; PK-R605 &#8211; FR &#8211; Atelier avanc\u00e9<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc41\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Guillaume Durou, Universit\u00e9 de l&rsquo;Alberta (Edmonton, Canada) <\/br>Audrey Laurin-Lamothe, Postdoctorante, D\u00e9partement des sciences sociales, UQO (Gatineau, Canada)<\/br>Eric  Pineault, Universit\u00e9 du Qu\u00e9bec \u00e0 Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc41\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Les classes sociales aujourd&rsquo;hui <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5>Le \u00ab r\u00e9alisme \u00bb comme illusion dans l\u2019analyse des classes. R\u00e9\u00e9valuer les cat\u00e9gories qualitatives et la critique du capitalisme<\/h5>\n<p>Guillaume Durou, Universit\u00e9 de l&rsquo;Alberta (Edmonton, Canada) <\/br><\/p>\n<p>Notre communication aborde, de mani\u00e8re pol\u00e9mique peut-\u00eatre, l\u2019analyse des classes la plus importante \u00e0 ce jour, soit l\u2019approche bas\u00e9e sur la profession et plus sp\u00e9cifiquement ce que l\u2019on nomme aujourd\u2019hui la micro-stratification (Grusky &#038; Weeden, 2002\u00a0; 2012). Fortement oppos\u00e9s aux typologies conventionnelles w\u00e9b\u00e9riennes et marxiennes appel\u00e9es \u00ab large classe \u00bb ou Big class, les partisans du mod\u00e8le de stratification et d&rsquo;occupation ont sans surprise revendiqu\u00e9 plus de r\u00e9alisme dans l\u2019analyse du social. Pour ce courant, le concept de classe est souvent per\u00e7u comme obsol\u00e8te et incapable de fournir une contribution pertinente pour comprendre les in\u00e9galit\u00e9s sociales. En revanche, nous croyons que les cat\u00e9gories qualitatives permettent de comprendre plus ad\u00e9quatement les divisions sociales et les contraintes extra-\u00e9conomiques exerc\u00e9es par le capitalisme. Si le mod\u00e8le de stratification para\u00eet plus sophistiqu\u00e9 quantitativement, il n\u2019est pas sans inconv\u00e9nient. Notre communication souhaite pr\u00e9senter les limites et les faiblesses de cette approche et revenant sur les d\u00e9bats qui ont travers\u00e9 les derni\u00e8res d\u00e9cennies. En nous inspirant des chantiers d\u2019Erik Olin Wright (2008\u00a0; 2015) et de Charles Tilly (1998) nous souhaitons proposer un autre cadre d\u2019analyse des classes dynamique et op\u00e9ratoire qui respecte les dimensions centrales du capitalisme avanc\u00e9, \u00e0 savoir la domination, l\u2019oppression et l\u2019exploitation.<\/p>\n<h5>Les classes sociales au prisme de la financiarisation: quelques contradictions renouvel\u00e9es du capitalisme<\/h5>\n<p>Audrey Laurin-Lamothe, Postdoctorante, D\u00e9partement des sciences sociales, UQO (Gatineau, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>La population se trouve impliqu\u00e9e doublement et contradictoirement dans la dynamique financi\u00e8re: par l\u2019\u00e9pargne et l\u2019endettement. L\u2019\u00e9pargne du salariat est regroup\u00e9e massivement et rendue liquide (susceptible de cr\u00e9er de la valeur financi\u00e8re) par les activit\u00e9s sur les march\u00e9s financiers des investisseurs institutionnels (caisses de retraite, fonds de pension et mutuels, etc.). L\u2019endettement est lui aussi massifi\u00e9, standardis\u00e9 et transform\u00e9 en titre boursier, \u00e0 partir du cr\u00e9dit offert aux particuliers, que ce soient sous les formes de cr\u00e9dit hypoth\u00e9caire, de cr\u00e9dit \u00e0 la consommation ou de pr\u00eats \u00e9tudiants. \u00c0 ces deux dimensions, s\u2019ajoutent celles de la consommation et du patrimoine immobilier, celui-ci \u00e9tant utilis\u00e9 de plus en plus comme un actif financier et une possibilit\u00e9 d\u2019endettement, plut\u00f4t que comme un bien d\u2019usage (Montgomerie, 2009).La contribution de cette pr\u00e9sentation se situe dans le renouvellement de certaines cat\u00e9gories propres au paradigme marxiste (conscience de classes; exploitation; plus-value) susceptibles de nous fournir des outils conceptuels pour penser les classes sociales au prisme de l\u2019accumulation financi\u00e8re. <\/p>\n<h5>\u00c0 venir<\/h5>\n<p>Eric  Pineault, Universit\u00e9 du Qu\u00e9bec \u00e0 Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>&#8212;<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">R\u00e9sistance \u00e0 la technique <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#2563a8; color:#fff\">Capitalisme<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Ven 14:00 &#8211; SH-2620 &#8211; EN\/FR(Traduction disponible) &#8211; Atelier avanc\u00e9<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc116\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">St\u00e9phane Chalmeau, HEC Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada) <\/br>Charvaak Pati, York University (Toronto, Canada)<\/br>Sharry Taylor, Ontario Institute for Studies in Education (Toronto, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc116\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">R\u00e9sistance \u00e0 la technique <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5>Critique de la technique \u00e9tendue \u00e0 la sph\u00e8re \u00e9conomique : vers une strat\u00e9gie de simplification et de relocalisation<\/h5>\n<p>St\u00e9phane Chalmeau, HEC Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada) <\/br><\/p>\n<p>La critique de la technique n\u2019est pas neuve, des penseurs visionnaires ont d\u00e9nonc\u00e9 la dynamique du syst\u00e8me technicien et ses d\u00e9rives d\u00e8s la fin du XIX\u00e8me si\u00e8cle. Il est d\u2019autant plus d\u00e9solant de constater que notre toute soci\u00e9t\u00e9 baigne plus que jamais dans une foi in\u00e9branlable dans la science et la technologie. Cet article se base notamment sur des travaux de Georg Simmel et Gunther Anders pour identifier trois aspects particuli\u00e8rement probl\u00e9matiques de l\u2019expansion du ph\u00e9nom\u00e8ne technique : 1. \u201cL\u2019amour du syst\u00e8me\u201d et \u201cl\u2019envahissement des fins par les moyens\u201d ; 2. La poursuite d\u2019efficacit\u00e9 maximale ; 3. Le \u00ab d\u00e9calage prom\u00e9th\u00e9en \u00bb, et discute des implications de cette triple probl\u00e9matique dans la sph\u00e8re \u00e9conomique, point aveugle du d\u00e9bat acad\u00e9mique. Plusieurs strat\u00e9gies sont ensuite envisag\u00e9es pour tenter de retrouver un n\u00e9cessaire \u00e9quilibre, notamment la voie de la simplification et la \u00ab relocalisation ouverte \u00bb des activit\u00e9s \u00e9conomiques. Dans la derni\u00e8re partie, des initiatives de terrain sont utiliser pour illustrer et penser le potentiel de la \u00ab relocalisation ouverte \u00bb comme outil de r\u00e9appropriation engendrant des boucles de r\u00e9troaction positive sur la voie d\u2019un monde post-capitaliste. (Plan sujet \u00e0 modifications).<\/p>\n<h5>Technology, Everyday Resistance and the Contested Shop floor: A Study of Working Class Politics in the Indian Automobile Industry<\/h5>\n<p>Charvaak Pati, York University (Toronto, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>The use of automation in technologically advanced industries such as automobile industry is neither new nor novel. The use of robotics and other highly sophisticated technology to enhance productivity and rationalise labour control is a common feature of post-Fordist production regime which is also known as lean production or just-in time (JIT) production. This phenomenon can be found both in highly industrialised countries as well as countries of the global south  such as China, ASEAN countries, South Korea, Brazil and India. The Indian automobile industry has witnessed sharp increase in the volume of production since the economic reforms in the 1990s and picked up exponentially since the early 2000. Historically, the automobile industry has been prone to militant labour struggles and the experience of India is no different. While acknowledging the importance of these struggles, the present presentation examines the everyday resistance that workers engage in on the shop floor of these technologically advanced industries. This presentation critically examines workers\u2019 experience with technology on the shop floors in the social space of Maruti Suzuki\u2019s(India\u2019s largest car maker) Manesar plant. Apart from drawing upon the experience of Manesar workers, the presentation also looks at workers\u2019 experience with technology in the large supply chain located within the Manesar plant which includes Bellsonica, FMI, Krishna Maruti Ltd. among others. In this study, I ask one simple question: How do workers experience technology on the shop floors of highly advanced automobile factories? Furthermore, I ask two related questions: How do workers reproduce their own subjugation on the shop floor by trying to out-compete technology such as robots; and how do they resist their subjugation through everyday resistance on the shop floor? The central argument of the presentation is that workers devise means to resist technologically enhanced labour control regimes on the shop floor, even as they fight for more overt means of confrontation with the management. The workers experience and negotiate with technology both as individual workers as well as a class.<\/p>\n<h5>Technological innovation, work intensification and emotional distress under capitalism<\/h5>\n<p>Sharry Taylor, Ontario Institute for Studies in Education (Toronto, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Life under capitalism is intensifying. Technological innovation, globalization and financialization have created a situation where nearly every facet of life is capable of being assessed for its appropriable value. This hyper-measurability has allowed the working day to become intensified in ways that were not previously possible. Since knowledge work comprises a greater portion of what workers do, representing a shift toward immaterial labour in worker self-valorization, work intensification is also increasingly immaterial; borne by the intellectual and social-emotional capacities of labourers to engage more fully in their work. These immaterial and affective elements, known as \u201cbiolabour,\u201d form an increasing proportion of capitalist surplus value. This presentation builds the case that work-related emotional distress is at once constitutive of and psychiatrized by capitalism, making work-related distress increasingly profitable as much through work intensification as through the pharmaceutical industry. From both an anticapitalist and neuroscientific perspective, this presentation will explore how work life under capitalism has become intensified in ways that are endogenously and biologically material within the brain, making capitalist accumulation acquisitive of biolabour. While this biological plasticity is functionally adaptive to the capitalist process, emotional distress often arises from it, making biolabour a labour of mood and affect. Psychiatry explains this emotional distress by \u201cresponsibilizing\u201d it as endogenous to the sufferer, ignoring the capitalist social etiology of affective biolabour. This work will conclude by exploring the antipsychiatry movement as part of an emancipatory post-capitalist worker imaginary.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Capital en tant que pouvoir : Culture, taxes et in\u00e9galit\u00e9s <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#2563a8; color:#fff\">Capitalisme<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Sam 14:00 &#8211; SH-3320 &#8211; EN &#8211; Atelier avanc\u00e9<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc118\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">James  McMahon,  University of Toronto (Toronto, Canada) <\/br>Sandy Hager, University of London (Londres, Grande-Bretagne)<\/br>Max Grubman, Tel Aviv University (Tel Aviv, Isra\u00ebl)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc118\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Capital en tant que pouvoir : Culture, taxes et in\u00e9galit\u00e9s <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5>Is the Power of Mass Culture Profitable ?<\/h5>\n<p>James  McMahon,  University of Toronto (Toronto, Canada) <\/br><\/p>\n<p>This presentation will examine how and why political economic theories of mass culture have accumulated, but not settled, methodological issues about the meaning of value and the nature of productivity. Labour is certainly an important factor to any comprehensive study of capitalist mass culture, but it is our assumptions about economic productivity and not the ubiquity of wage labour that tells us we have to look at the latter in terms of productive output. Therefore, if we use entirely different assumptions, we might be able to create stronger links between profitability and the ideological aspects of mass culture.<\/p>\n<h5>Trump&rsquo;s Corporate Tax Reform: What&rsquo;s Power Got to Do with It? <\/h5>\n<p>Sandy Hager, University of London (Londres, Grande-Bretagne)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>This presentation scrutinizes the Trump administration\u2019s rationale for corporate tax reform. It argues that the most important indicator of competitiveness is not the statutory (official) tax rate, but the effective tax rate \u2014 the actual amount of taxes that a company pays as a percentage of its total income. Utilizing the Compustat database, this study is among the first to comprehensively map the evolution of the effective tax rates of US corporations by jurisdiction (i.e. the tax rate they pay on domestic income versus the tax rate on their foreign income). Two main findings stand out. First, the research shows that there has been a long-term convergence between the federal and foreign effective tax rates paid by US corporations. Rather than the federal tax system hampering the competitiveness of US corporations, the rest of the world has been engaged in a decades-long process of convergence toward the US\u2019s low-rate corporate tax regime. The corporate tax cuts enacted by the president are likely to cause a downward spiral, resulting in another process of convergence at even lower rates across the world in the future. Second, a disaggregate analysis of the tax rates of large US corporations versus \u201cthe rest\u201d of the US corporations in the Compustat database reveals the highly uneven impact of corporate tax policy. For the top 50 US corporations, federal effective tax rates have been consistently lower than foreign effective tax rates. For \u201cthe rest,\u201d the situation is reversed: federal effective tax rates have been higher than foreign effective tax rates. Mostly importantly, over the past two decades, both the federal and foreign effective tax rates of the top 50 corporations have been declining relative to \u201cthe rest.\u201d Trump\u2019s tax reform plan does not acknowledge this unevenness, and is likely to enhance the power of dominant capital.<\/p>\n<h5>Theorizing income-wealth inequality data &#8211; a Capital as Power approach<\/h5>\n<p>Max Grubman, Tel Aviv University (Tel Aviv, Isra\u00ebl)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Over the last few years, Piketty et al. produced increasingly comprehensive income and wealth distribution analysis worldwide. In the USA, latest work include DINA &#8211; a full Distributional National Accounts methodology and data, as well as a long-term analysis of a full spectrum of assets capitalization. Going beyond neo-classical quantification of capital in \u00ab\u00a0real\u00a0\u00bb terms, the data opens a window for a new CasP analysis of discount rates and the power dynamics that shape them, hence offering a theoretical framework for a better understanding of redistribution in general.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"row themeprogback\" style=\"background-image: url(https:\/\/thegreattransition.net\/wp-content\/uploads\/2018\/02\/feminisme.jpg)\" id=\"3\">\n<div class=\"themetitle\" style=\"background-color: #8b25a8;\">\n<h4 class=\"themefont\" style=\"color: #fff;\">F\u00e9minisme<\/h4>\n<\/p><\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"row horaireback\">\n<div class=\"col-sm-2 col-xs-5\">                            <\/div>\n<div class=\"col-sm-10 col-xs-12\">\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Perspectives f\u00e9ministes mat\u00e9rialistes et intersectionnelles sur le droit au logement <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#8b25a8; color:#fff\">F\u00e9minisme<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Ven 11:30 &#8211; SH-R810 &#8211; FR &#8211; Atelier introductif<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc91\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Marie-Neige Laperri\u00e8re, UQO (Gatineau, Canada)<\/br>Anne Latendresse, UQ\u00c0M (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Marie-Eve Desroches, Institut national de la recherche scientifique (INRS) (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc91\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Perspectives f\u00e9ministes mat\u00e9rialistes et intersectionnelles sur le droit au logement <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Bien que le logement constitue un droit \u00e9conomique et social nomm\u00e9 par de nombreux trait\u00e9s internationaux, la reconnaissance juridique d\u2019un droit au logement reste floue et pratiquement inexistante au Canada et au Qu\u00e9bec. La division sexu\u00e9e du travail, les in\u00e9galit\u00e9s \u00e9conomiques, la discrimination et les violences bas\u00e9es sur le genre constituent des oppressions patriarcales qui se conjuguent avec les logiques du capitalisme de mani\u00e8re \u00e0 affecter les conditions d\u2019habitation des femmes. Pour ces raisons, le droit au logement des femmes est constamment menac\u00e9. Dans le cadre de ce panel, nous proposons d\u2019approfondir diff\u00e9rentes facettes du droit au logement d\u2019un point de vue f\u00e9ministe mat\u00e9rialiste afin de saisir les effets de l\u2019imbrication des diff\u00e9rents syst\u00e8me d\u2019oppression, mais \u00e9galement d\u00e9gager des perspectives de luttes.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5>Sur l\u2019int\u00e9r\u00eat d\u2019utiliser un cadre d\u2019analyse f\u00e9ministe pour comprendre l\u2019exploitation sp\u00e9cifique des femmes relativement au droit du logement en droit civil<\/h5>\n<p>Marie-Neige Laperri\u00e8re, UQO (Gatineau, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Au Qu\u00e9bec, le logement est un lieu d\u2019in\u00e9galit\u00e9s entre les femmes et les hommes. Les femmes souffrent davantage de probl\u00e8mes d\u2019acc\u00e8s au logement, elles y effectuent la majorit\u00e9 du travail domestique et risquent d\u2019y subir des violences. Alors que l\u2019analyse marxiste a permis de faire la d\u00e9monstration que la place centrale qu\u2019occupe la propri\u00e9t\u00e9 priv\u00e9e g\u00e9n\u00e8re une relation d\u2019exploitation pour la classe ouvri\u00e8re, l\u2019analyse f\u00e9ministe nous semble offrir des voies prometteuses pour comprendre la sp\u00e9cificit\u00e9 du rapport d\u2019exploitation propre \u00e0 la classe des femmes dans le syst\u00e8me d\u2019habitation. Cette analyse sugg\u00e8re que le droit civil, dans sa forme actuelle, participe \u00e0 la reproduction de ces in\u00e9galit\u00e9s. Nous soulevons l\u2019hypoth\u00e8se que les in\u00e9galit\u00e9s dont souffrent les femmes dans l\u2019habitation ne sont un simple effet secondaire de l\u2019application du droit, mais que la structure m\u00eame du droit civil participe \u00e0 la reproduction des rapports antagoniques entre les femmes et les hommes.<\/p>\n<h5>Trois d\u00e9cennies d\u2019enjeux fonciers au Qu\u00e9bec : perspective f\u00e9ministe intersectorielle<\/h5>\n<p>Anne Latendresse, UQ\u00c0M (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Dans un contexte marqu\u00e9 par la gouvernance n\u00e9olib\u00e9rale o\u00f9 les gouvernements r\u00e9duisent le financement pour les nouveaux logements sociaux, o\u00f9 ils individualisent l&rsquo;aide financi\u00e8re au logement et o\u00f9 les violences v\u00e9cues par les locataires refont surface, l&rsquo;acc\u00e8s des femmes au logement demeure un enjeu f\u00e9ministe au Qu\u00e9bec. Outre quelques exceptions, le rapport sp\u00e9cifique des femmes semble avoir \u00e9t\u00e9 ignor\u00e9 au sein de l\u2019analyse des enjeux fonciers qui sont au c\u0153ur des crises du logement qui touchent des villes \u00e0 travers le monde. Dans ce contexte, il nous appara\u00eet l\u00e9gitime de revenir sur les grands enjeux fonciers qui ont marqu\u00e9 les trois derni\u00e8res d\u00e9cennies au Qu\u00e9bec. Ainsi, il sera possible de proposer une analyse f\u00e9ministe et intersectionnelle de ces enjeux afin, d\u2019une part, saisir leurs effets sur les femmes dans toute leur diversit\u00e9 et, d\u2019autre part, cerner de nouvelles pistes d\u2019action pour le mouvement f\u00e9ministe et pour le droit au logement.<\/p>\n<h5>Le droit \u00e0 la ville contre l\u2019urbanisation capitaliste mise au d\u00e9fi par les mobilisations f\u00e9ministes pour le droit au logement<\/h5>\n<p>Marie-Eve Desroches, Institut national de la recherche scientifique (INRS) (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Parmi les diverses luttes et \u00e9crits qui traitent du droit \u00e0 la ville (Lefebvre, 1968), le logement constitue un important point de convergence. En effet, son acc\u00e8s appara\u00eet comme une condition pr\u00e9alable \u00e0 l\u2019exercice de ce droit collectif. Cependant, il semble que la plupart des auteurs et mouvements sociaux qui ont recours \u00e0 cette notion consid\u00e8rent, d\u2019une part, que le capitalisme est la principale structure impliqu\u00e9e dans l\u2019urbanisation et, d\u2019autre part, qu&rsquo;il s&rsquo;agit d&rsquo;une lutte de classe. Notre \u00e9tude de cas qui s\u2019int\u00e9resse \u00e0 des mobilisations urbaines f\u00e9ministes pour le droit au logement d\u00e9montre que le capitalisme et le patriarcat sont deux syst\u00e8mes consubstantiels qui emp\u00eachent les femmes de s\u2019approprier les logements de leur quartier et de participer \u00e0 sa revitalisation. Cette exp\u00e9rience souligne que pour prendre en consid\u00e9ration l\u2019influence du syst\u00e8me patriarcal, la notion du droit \u00e0 la ville peut \u00eatre \u00e9largie en int\u00e9grant des revendications et pratiques de luttes f\u00e9ministes.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Femmes, reproduction sociale et r\u00e9sistance <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#8b25a8; color:#fff\">F\u00e9minisme<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Ven 11:30 &#8211; PK-R310 &#8211; EN &#8211; Atelier avanc\u00e9<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc51\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Jared Sacks, Columbia University (New York, USA) <\/br>Jamie Magnusson, University of Toronto (Toronto, Canada)<\/br>Sabra Rezaei, University of Toronto (Toronto, Canada)<\/br>Mikhail Bjorge, Queen&rsquo;s University (Kingston, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc51\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Femmes, reproduction sociale et r\u00e9sistance <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5>Rethinking Surplus-Value: Recentring struggle in the Homeplace<\/h5>\n<p>Jared Sacks, Columbia University (New York, USA) <\/br><\/p>\n<p>Since the 1970s, Autonomist Feminists have critiqued Karl Marx for failing to appreciate the sphere of reproduction as a key driver of capitalism. They have shown how unpaid reproductive work contributes to the production of surplus-value \u2013 something Orthodox Marxism has refused to reckon with. This is in part because of a fetishisation of categories such as productive and unproductive labour as the theoretical building blocks of Marxism. However, if we understand Marx\u2019s critique of political economy as a process, we are forced to rethink our understanding of categories such as surplus-value. Within current debates around the production of value under capitalism, it is useful to make can explicit conceptual distinction between where surplus-value is produced and where it is extracted. In doing so, one is foregrounding the sphere of reproduction and the key role it plays in the upholding of capitalist social relations. This contrast, then, informs the struggle against capitalism in the following ways. Firstly, by championing struggles that transcend boundaries of production and reproduction, it builds towards social movement unionism. Secondly, by providing theoretical justification for withdrawing and disrupting reproductive labour, it supports a decentred politics of resistance outside the factory. Finally, it evinces the relevance of building autonomous movements for the production of \u201cthe commons\u201d. This paper uses number of examples from recent struggles in South Africa and various countries in South America to illustrate how this reading contributes to, and theoretically valorises, the current diversity of struggles that have emerged, in particular, since the 1960s.<\/p>\n<h5>Sex Workers\u2019 Social Movements, Community Self-Defence and Prefigurative Politics<\/h5>\n<p>Jamie Magnusson, University of Toronto (Toronto, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Social Movements &#038; Grass Roots Resistance (Feminist, Anti-Racist, Queer)Our paper flows from community organizing in downtown Toronto involving street based sex workers. Based on this work, we argue that ongoing production of illegal economies is a constitutive feature of capitalism, the exploitive and violent features of which are intensifying as shadow economies and formal economies are increasingly interfused. A material basis for this interfusion is late capitalist financialization, which is also the material basis for a global consolidation of illegal economies, and integration into state power and state governance. At the level of community organizing, we see how these global political economic trends play out in the lives of sex workers, including racialized, undocumented women and transwomen. Their work is producing wealth through sex and drug economies, and yet sex workers are relentlessly exposed to state violence as well as illegal violence with which the state is complicit. This paper curates an archive of community organizing pedagogies involving sex workers in the Toronto context that illustrates emergent prefigurative politics through community self-defence practices. Community self-defence is defined as self-organizing practices aimed at improving the wellbeing and resilience of communities. Community self-defence is historically important within communities that are targeted for elimination or containment by the state. Prefigurative politics can emerge from community self-defence projects when the communities become sufficiently robust and enduring to form political processes and terms of engagement that are pedagogies for social movements and solidarity. Our paper reveals the vitality of political organizing undertaken by women\/women-identified located within illegal economies. The paper demonstrates the importance of understanding sex workers as political subjects whose pedagogies of community self-defence and prefigurative politics are worthy of study and broad based political solidarity. <\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Sabra Rezaei, University of Toronto (Toronto, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5>Women on Strike in Quebec, 1939-1945: Moving Forward by Looking Back<\/h5>\n<p>Mikhail Bjorge, Queen&rsquo;s University (Kingston, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Before World War II there was no specific labour law to speak of in Canada. Near the end of the war, the government introduced Order-in-Council 1003, which guaranteed compulsory collective bargaining, among other things. Traditionally, this move by the state was seen as either a concession to militant unions, or to fend off an electoral attack from the left by the insurgent CCF. Although both of these realities may have played a part, the main focus of the legislation was to get unions to control their workers. Building off a chapter from my PhD thesis, this talk will examine, specifically, strike action by women in Quebec during World War II. By doing so, this presentation will show how effective wildcat, illegal, and bottom-up non-unionized shopfloor agitation was; particularly when juxtaposed to normative strike action (or inaction) from other unions. By using these historical examples, particularly of women at work and women on strike, this presentation will show how the state was able to constrict effective action on one hand, while transplanting the site of discipline from the state to unions themselves. Further, this presentation will examine ways forward for the working class, by using historical examples of women\u2019s agitation in munitions plants, boot and shoe production, and tobacco. The labour movement does not have to look or act in the manner in which it does, and we do not have to look terribly far in the past to find examples.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">F\u00e9minisme, sexualit\u00e9, classe et diff\u00e9rences <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#8b25a8; color:#fff\">F\u00e9minisme<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Ven 14:00 &#8211; SH-2800 &#8211; EN\/FR(Traduction disponible) &#8211; Atelier avanc\u00e9<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc7\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Brittany  Murray, Franklin and Marshall College (Lancaster, USA) <\/br>G\u00f6kb\u00f6r\u00fc Sarp Tanyildiz, York University\/Historical Materialism Toronto (Toronto, Canada)<\/br>Alan  Sears , Ryerson University  (Toronto, Canada)<\/br>Chantal Maille, Universit\u00e9 Concordia (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc7\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">F\u00e9minisme, sexualit\u00e9, classe et diff\u00e9rences <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5>What can materialists learn from French feminist theory?<\/h5>\n<p>Brittany  Murray, Franklin and Marshall College (Lancaster, USA) <\/br><\/p>\n<p>This presentation is meant to address the question of whether materialism can be compatible with feminism, and if so, which feminism(s). More specifically, it focuses on the complications that emerge during periods of historical transition.  Feminism may have unintended consequences for an anti-capitalist future, and the \u201cright\u201d feminist intervention, in one historical context, can nevertheless be the wrong one now. The French feminist project, \u00e9criture f\u00e9minine, or \u201cfeminine writing\u201d, functions as my case study.  Formulated in the wake of the May 1968 protests, writers like Julia Kristeva and H\u00e9l\u00e8ne Cixous developed feminist theory with an anti-capitalist, anti-colonial bent. These inclinations, however, are not necessarily apparent now.  My aim is not necessarily to rehabilitate \u00e9criture f\u00e9minine for a materialist feminism, but I will demonstrate why it is important, for those of us invested in a post-capitalist transition, to understand how this particular strain of feminism fared during an earlier economic transition.       In order to illustrate my point, I show how feminism functioned as a vanishing mediator during the 1970s, a period of significant economic transformation in France.   The vanishing mediator, a model of historical causality developed by Fredric Jameson, Slavoj Zizek, and Kathi Weeks, describes how the political and economic infrastructure of a new society can be slipped in under cover the goals of an older society.  I argue that \u00e9criture f\u00e9minine did just that sort of historical work; French feminists addressed themselves to an older French society, one marked by nationally protected and state-run capitalism.  I argue that, in critiquing this old iteration of capitalism, French feminists inadvertently laid the groundwork for a new iteration of French society, one adapted to a liberalized, globally oriented economy.  I will conclude by examining the implications,  What does the story of French feminism in the 1970s mean for feminism and materialism now? <\/p>\n<h5>Sexual Politics in Capitalist Societies: Towards a Historical Materialist Investigation of the Diremption between Sexuality and Class<\/h5>\n<p>G\u00f6kb\u00f6r\u00fc Sarp Tanyildiz, York University\/Historical Materialism Toronto (Toronto, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>This paper takes as its point of departure the need for a new configuration of the notion of class in relation to sexual politics. Such a new configuration can mobilize interventions in what I take to be an endemic problem in contemporary politics: the quest for inclusivity in the political that has nonetheless led to an unchecked desire for totality, or the dictum that all marginalized positions be accounted for at once and for all time. The effort to cope with an endless social fracturation of identifications  (e.g. queer, disabled, racialized etc.) stymies political action as it attempts to include all possible subject positions in their allied fractuality. However, this attempt in turn usurps or undermines the possibility of a political space that would be capable of addressing and responding in action to the needs such subject positions present in the first place. In particular, I focus on the recent discourses of queer theory that have challenged the centrality of class as the key political site of social transformation. Most marxist responses to this challenge of queer theory have been to enfold sexuality back into class analysis, i.e. by arguing that queer sexuality intersects with, or is co-constitutive of the larger problematic of class oppression. This disconnection in contemporary politics points to a deeper diremption between comprehension and political action, and thus will be the initial ground by which I frame my discussion in this paper.<\/p>\n<h5>Capitalism, Ecology and Sexual Revolution <\/h5>\n<p>Alan  Sears , Ryerson University  (Toronto, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>There have been significant changes in gender and sexuality over the period since the 1960s, including augmented (though still highly inadequate) access to contraception and abortion, a higher cultural profile for sexual activity, and improvements in the formal rights of women, lesbians, gays and (to a lesser extent) trans people.  These changes are substantial enough that they are commonly referred to as \u201cthe sexual revolution.\u201d While this sexual revolution since the 1960s has made a real difference in the lives of many, queer, anti-racist and other critics point out that the dominant regime of sex and gender normativity has been reformed but not overturned. This paper will take the term \u201csexual revolution\u201d back to its origins in the social insurgency of the early 20th century.  Wilhelm Reich was one among many who developed conceptions of sexual revolution in the period from the 1890s-1930s. These sex radicals tended to see sex and gender liberation as important, and often missing, dimensions in broader struggles for revolutionary emancipation. Black feminist and other radical voices from feminist, anti-racist, ecological and anti-colonial struggles through the 20th century challenged and expanded these conceptions of freedom.   In this paper, I will focus on the contribution of ecological conceptions of sustainability to our understanding of anti-capitalist sexual revolution. The human body plays a central role in the interchange with nature, and yet ecological sustainability and sexual liberation tend to be dealt with as separate issues.  This paper connects the conceptions of first (pristine), second (transformed by humans) and third (post-revolutionary) nature from the works of Neil Smith, Edward Said and John Bellamy Foster to a queer, feminist, anti-racist and anti-colonial understanding of sexuality in relationship to hierarchies of dispossession in racial capitalism.  <\/p>\n<h5>Nouvelles perspectives f\u00e9ministes sur les questions de diff\u00e9rence<\/h5>\n<p>Chantal Maille, Universit\u00e9 Concordia (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Dans cette proposition de panel je souhaite introduire une s\u00e9rie de perspectives f\u00e9ministes r\u00e9centes qui ont port\u00e9 sur les questions de diff\u00e9rence, notamment l\u2019analyse intersectionnelle ainsi que les f\u00e9minismes postcoloniaux, d\u00e9coloniaux et marxistes. En premi\u00e8re partie j&rsquo;entends proposer un survol rapide des textes canoniques de ces courants avant de m&rsquo;attarder plus longuement sur plusieurs des concepts qui sont au centre de ces analyses, dont la classe et la race.J&rsquo;entends montrer que les emprunts conceptuels faits aux th\u00e9ories critiques de la race et des classes sociales dans l\u2019approche f\u00e9ministe intersectionnelle  et dans les f\u00e9minismes postcoloniaux, d\u00e9coloniaux et marxistes permettent de complexifier l&rsquo;analyse pour mieux refl\u00e9ter les sp\u00e9cificit\u00e9s des oppressions v\u00e9cues par les femmes de toutes conditions et origines et  apporter une nouvelle  lecture des hi\u00e9rarchies et des rapports de domination. Dans un deuxi\u00e8me temps, je ferai un bref survol des mod\u00e8les th\u00e9oriques et des donn\u00e9es empiriques autour des notions de classe et de race en lien avec un questionnement sur la possibilit\u00e9 d&rsquo;op\u00e9rationnaliser une analyse f\u00e9ministe de la race et de la classe pour le contexte qu\u00e9b\u00e9cois.  Je montrerai que les r\u00e9alit\u00e9s des femmes minoritaires et racis\u00e9es sont rendues invisibles par le manque de donn\u00e9es ainsi que par l&rsquo;utilisation de cat\u00e9gories non-sp\u00e9cifiques, alors qu&rsquo;un travail de relecture de l&rsquo;histoire  s&rsquo;impose  pour r\u00e9inscrire la pr\u00e9sence de groupes minoritaires \u00e0 l&rsquo;int\u00e9rieur de la soci\u00e9t\u00e9 qu\u00e9b\u00e9coise mais aussi pour d\u00e9finir des cat\u00e9gories qui mettent en relief les oppressions qui r\u00e9sultent de l&rsquo;entrecroisement du genre avec les particularit\u00e9s sociales, politiques et historiques du Qu\u00e9bec.Au plan de la production de ces th\u00e9ories, je montrerai comment des femmes qui avaient \u00e9t\u00e9 historiquement marginalis\u00e9es en raison de leur position de race et  de classe ont revendiqu\u00e9 la pleine visibilit\u00e9 de leurs exp\u00e9riences et critiqu\u00e9 les approches f\u00e9ministes bas\u00e9es sur la femme universelle. Quelles sont ces voix, d\u2019o\u00f9 viennent-elles et que disent-elles ? Quel est l\u2019apport des femmes migrantes et racis\u00e9es ainsi que celui de leurs descendantes au f\u00e9minisme, sur le plan th\u00e9orique et au niveau de l\u2019organisation des luttes ? Mon propos visera \u00e0 illustrer l&rsquo;id\u00e9e qu&rsquo;aujourd\u2019hui plus que jamais cohabitent au sein du f\u00e9minisme des r\u00e9cits, des analyses et des pratiques qui t\u00e9moignent de l\u2019h\u00e9t\u00e9rog\u00e9n\u00e9it\u00e9 des conditions de vie des femmes. <\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Philosophie de la reproduction sociale <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#8b25a8; color:#fff\">F\u00e9minisme<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Ven 14:00 &#8211; PK-R220 &#8211; EN &#8211; Atelier avanc\u00e9<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc114\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Aaron Berman, New School for Social Research  (New York, NY, \u00c9tats-Unis) <\/br>Jeremiah Gaster, York University (Toronto, Canada)<\/br>Aaron Jaffe, Juilliard School, International Women&rsquo;s Strike (NYC), the Campus Antifascist Network (New York, NY, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc114\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Philosophie de la reproduction sociale <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5>Social Reproduction: Beyond History and Structure?<\/h5>\n<p>Aaron Berman, New School for Social Research  (New York, NY, \u00c9tats-Unis) <\/br><\/p>\n<p>The 1960s and 70s philosophical re-readings of Capital, in part spurred on by the re-discovery of the Grundrisse, pose significant questions regarding the relationship between Marx\u2019s &lsquo;method&rsquo; in his late work and the popular picture of historical materialism derived primarily from the Communist Manifesto. In my view, our thinking of anti-capitalist revolution and transition to post-capitalism needs to be further updated to the meet the challenges posed by Marx\u2019s post-1856 writings. This presentation will restage some aspects of the polemic between the French Althusserian school and the German Neue Marx-Lekt\u00fcre in order to highlight the ways in which both traditions (and their successors) continue to struggle with the relationship between the logic of capital and the history of capitalism in ways that inform our attempts to think revolution today. I would like, in this presentation, to sketch this problem in more detail and to suggest that social reproduction theory, read philosophically, may offer tools to productively reframe the problem in such a way as to render it soluble.<\/p>\n<h5>The Social Question and Historical Materialism: the Implication for Historical Materialism of Social Revolutions<\/h5>\n<p>Jeremiah Gaster, York University (Toronto, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>There has long been a crises in the theoretical understanding of the world afforded historical materialism, Ellen Meiksins Wood\u2019s work was devoted to renewing historical materialism, this presentation aims to take up some of the ways that she thought through this renewal and attempts to analyze \u201csocial revolutions\u201d through her work.        In all of the social phenomena that circulate throughout the human reality, political phenomena (I.e., the set of phenomena that germinate relations of power between oppressors and the oppressed) are some of the most foundational form of human relationships, as they in the last and first instance make relations between humans into relations between the human and the non-human, between the dominated and the dominator.  When relations of ruling, of whatever sort, are created these relations sunder the very meaning of what it means to be human, they do not express a natural being.  To the contrary, relations of ruling, at their most basic level, especially when crystallized between humans, tend to assume a \u201cnaturality\u201d that does not exist, humans do not naturally oppress other humans, ruling is no accident nor is the justification for ruling an accident, rather this assumption of ruling is in itself completely unnatural.  The work of a renewed historical materialism is the examination of this contradiction between what is never natural, and yet what appears to be the most natural aspect of human relationships.  To this end, this presentation will examine a specific set of social-political phenomena, social revolutions, which themselves are a specific set of other phenomena, revolutions, and which may teach us something about the \u201cnaturality\u201d of political relationships.        It would be most obvious to understand what social revolutions are, by splitting apart the term the \u201csocial\u201d and the concept \u201crevolutions\u201d.  On the one hand, we are thus able to understand that social revolutions are the answer to any question, which are similar to the question asked by Colonial Rainsbourogh  during the Putney debates (\u201cI desire to know how this comes to be a property in some men and not in others\u201d), and on the other hand, we can learn a lot from the current state of revolution studies in Comparative Politics.  Nevertheless, In this presentation, I propose to isolate one form of revolution, that of the social revolution.\u00a0 In this presentation will define social revolutions to such an extent that I will trace out some political specificities of lived experiences of these peculiar \u201cmoments of madness,\u201d as (Zolberg, 1972) identifies where \u201canything is possible,\u201d in my (upcoming) dissertation, I have been researching this very specific form of revolutions, and consequently, I will argue that social revolutions are one of the few moments when dreams of human emancipation from relations of domination, repression, exploitation, and oppression are quite possible.         If Skocpol (1979) writes that social revolutions are the moment when \u201crapid, basic transformations of a society&rsquo;s state and class structures; and they are accompanied and in part carried through by class-based revolts from below,\u201dthen by examining social revolutions\u00a0 I will argue pace Skocpol that rather social revolutions are not simply the moment when the elites (either \u201cpolitical\u201d or \u201cruling\u201d accommodate the masses and respond to them (as if they could do otherwise) but rather are the moment when the masses are in control of the political community.\u00a0 To begin, I will specify social revolutions as a specific type or form of revolutions, themselves a specific form of collective political action.\u00a0 Then, I will focus on what it means when the \u201csocial question\u201d is raised.\u00a0 Finally, I will end with examining the political possibilities and potentialities that thus remain in the socio-political phenomena of social revolutions,and thus, this presentation will also identify what makes social revolutions different from other revolutionary movements, (See, e.g.;(Skocpol, 1979); (Wootton, 1986); (Wolin, 1996a); (Davidson, 2015).  What this presentation insists is unique is the identification of \u201csocial revolutions\u201d with the \u201csocial\u201d question and thus the political implications of this presentation are to be found in the refinement of the understanding of possibilities of the \u201cpolitical realm.\u201d In short, during a social revolution, the lived experience of the revolution is itself a life-changing experience for the people who have inserted themselves as the political community.  This presentation, in analyzing social revolutons, will thus also examine the implications for a renewed historical matertialism of \u201csocial revolutions.\u201d I argue that, in fact, understanding social revolutions is at the root of the work of historical materialism, for at their heart, social revolutions are the refusal of the ruled to be ruled, and this refusal changes the world.<\/p>\n<h5>\u00ab\u00a0The Normative Dimension of Social Reproduction Theory\u00a0\u00bb<\/h5>\n<p>Aaron Jaffe, Juilliard School, International Women&rsquo;s Strike (NYC), the Campus Antifascist Network (New York, NY, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Social Reproduction Theory (SRT) has recently emerged as an advanced analytical strategy to appreciate the gendered, embodied, and affect-laden dimensions of capitalism\u2019s survival as a system of social relations. Yet, in addition to providing a model that avoids the politically stultifying division of \u201cidentity\u201d from \u201cclass\u201d, SRT can offer compelling norms for critique, struggle, and picturing a post-capitalist future. SRT\u2019s departure from bourgeois ideals or pretensions to value-neutrality provides the frame to concretely ground socialist resistance and aspirations. In this presentation I briefly show how SRT offers a much-needed theory of mediation between the particularity of individuated experience and the abstract logic of capital. By providing the framework for thinking local forms of oppression as contributing to and significantly guided by the universality of capital, SRT avoids the identity politics of postmodernism and the abstract universality of previous, quite narrow, forms of class-based anti-capitalist analysis. This approach articulates normative commitment by situating the harm of exploitation within and contributing to the enveloping capital-specific determinations of domination and alienation. Instead of thinking, for instance, gendered identities as sites of their own absolute legitimacy, SRT can think gendered oppressions in and through the logics by which capital not only creates value but provides a historically malleable social fabric through which such value-expansion is possible. In this way, gendered bodies at, excluded from, or pressured into some (and away from other) forms of work can be recognized as central to the relations of capitalist oppression, and therefore also as crucial sites of resistance. Most promisingly, in providing a unitary framework for coordinating diverse sites and modes of resistance, SRT is normatively committed to a diverse working class. A many-sided humanity, rich in a diversity of needs is therefore simultaneously at the root of SRT\u2019s revolutionary politics as well as its normative commitment to a socialist future.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Le marxisme et la lutte pour lib\u00e9rer les opprim\u00e9.e.s <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#8b25a8; color:#fff\">F\u00e9minisme<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Ven 16:00 &#8211; SH-3420 &#8211; EN(Traduction disponible) &#8211; Atelier avanc\u00e9<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc8\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">Amidst the new radicalization struggles against class oppression and those for liberation of the oppressed are too often counter-posed. Sometimes self-proclaimed socialists reduce oppression to class, deny the autonomy and specificity of struggles against oppression, and promise that if workers unite as a class liberation will automatically follow. By contrast some forms of identity politics reject Marxism as having nothing to say about liberation struggles, reject the idea that workers and oppr&#8230;<\/p>\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Sue Ferguson, Toronto New Socialists, Wilfrid Laurier University (Toronto, Canada) <\/br>Jen Roesch, International Socialist Organization (New York, USA)<\/br>Khury Petersen-Smith, International Socialist Organization (New -York, USA)<\/br>Alan Sears, Toronto New Socialists, Ryerson University  (Toronto, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Animation: Ashley Smith<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc8\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Le marxisme et la lutte pour lib\u00e9rer les opprim\u00e9.e.s <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Amidst the new radicalization struggles against class oppression and those for liberation of the oppressed are too often counter-posed. Sometimes self-proclaimed socialists reduce oppression to class, deny the autonomy and specificity of struggles against oppression, and promise that if workers unite as a class liberation will automatically follow. By contrast some forms of identity politics reject Marxism as having nothing to say about liberation struggles, reject the idea that workers and oppressed share common interests, and therefore presume that struggle remain separate from the struggle against capitalism. This panel will make the case that the best of the Marxist tradition and new developments within it provide a way conceptualize oppression as a product of capitalism society, that each must be fought in their own right with specific demands, and that those sections of the class that don\u2019t suffer specific oppressions have an interest in that struggle as part and parcel of building solidarity in the fight for a new socialist society.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p>Sue Ferguson, Toronto New Socialists, Wilfrid Laurier University (Toronto, Canada) <\/br><\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Jen Roesch, International Socialist Organization (New York, USA)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Khury Petersen-Smith, International Socialist Organization (New -York, USA)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Alan Sears, Toronto New Socialists, Ryerson University  (Toronto, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<p>Animation: Ashley Smith<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">F\u00e9minisme, politiques identitaires et lutte de classes <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#8b25a8; color:#fff\">F\u00e9minisme<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Sam 9:30 &#8211; SH-2620 &#8211; EN(Traduction disponible) &#8211; Atelier avanc\u00e9<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc49\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Siyaves Azeri, \u00c9cole Normale Sup\u00e9rieure (Paris, France) <\/br>Sourayan Mookerjea, University of Alberta (Edmonton, Canada)<\/br>Abigail Bakan, University of Toronto (Toronto, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc49\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">F\u00e9minisme, politiques identitaires et lutte de classes <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5>Capital, Class Struggle, and Identity Politics: A Marxian Critique<\/h5>\n<p>Siyaves Azeri, \u00c9cole Normale Sup\u00e9rieure (Paris, France) <\/br><\/p>\n<p>One specificity of capitalist society, in contrast to precapitalist social formations, is the universal form of capitalist production, which is also manifest in the universality of capitalist social strata, that is, social classes and in the politically mediated forms of capitalist domination (in particular the mediation through the state). Capitalism, not only appropriates the archaic forms of inequalities (ethnical, racial, cast, gender etc.) but also posits them as capitalist inequalities by grafting its \u201ccivilized horrors\u201d \u201con the barbaric horrors of slavery, serfdom, etc.\u201d (Marx, 1993, 345) alongside the specifically capitalist forms of discrimination, just as it posits these identities as eternal, natural, \u201cin-itself\u201d entities. Capital, in essence, is indifferent toward this multitude of identities, since the only true goal that interests capital is self-valorization; it is in this sense that capital is the greatest leveller. However, capital posits identities to the extent that such social differentiation contributes to intensifying the exploitation of surplus-value. It is not because a person is a woman that she is being paid less; rather, one is posited as a women owing to the lesser pay she gets for a similar work\u2014social roles imposed on genders, thus, is a by-product and part of the justification of such positing. So is the case with other identities\u2014black, coloured, Middle Eastern, immigrant etc. Attributing essentiality to such identities reproduces capital\u2019s self-proposition as a natural entity and not a social relation; it amounts to fetishization of these identities, which is the other side of the coin of capital-fetishism. The struggle for a better world is possible only if the universal and multi-faceted nature of class struggle is conceived of properly and if the struggle aims at the essence of capitalist relations of production\u2014commodification of labour and production of surplus-value\u2014and its political form of existence\u2014the state. <\/p>\n<h5>Accumulated Violence: Convergent Crises, Commons and the Politics of Transition<\/h5>\n<p>Sourayan Mookerjea, University of Alberta (Edmonton, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>This presentation decolonizes Marx\u2019s critique of political economy by re-theorizing the centrality of colonialism, imperialism and patriarchal domination to historical and actually existing racial capitalism.  Drawing on the work of Silvia Federici and social reproduction feminists, decolonization and postcolonial theorists such as Frantz Fanon, Jairus Banaji, Kalyan Sanyal, Ranojit Guha, Glen Coulthard, and Leanne Simpson, as well as Western Marixists such Henri Lefebrve, David Harvey, Peter Linebaugh, Marcus Rediker and Massimo D\u2019Angelis, this paper re-situates the problematic of \u201cintersecting systems of oppression\u201d in relation to contemporary interpretations of Marx\u2019s sarcastic debunking of classical political economy\u2019s fable of primitive accumulation. In doing so, the paper problematizes the schematic distinction between \u2018white settler colonialism\u2019 and \u2018colonialisms of exploitation\u2019 (Patrick Wolfe) by arguing that colonialism, as an ongoing process of accumulated violence, is the production of patriarchal capitalist spaces of colonization of common wealth on a world scale. The singularity and local specificity of accumulated violence is explored in two ways; through a critical engagement with Jason Moore\u2019s reworking of the theory of capitalist crisis to include ecological crises and through an examination of contemporary racisms and sexisms in Canada, Quebec and India as well as a consideration of feminist environmental social justice activisms and commoning practices across these locations.  Through this itinerary, the paper argues that subalternized domains of social reproduction give rise to a multitude of autonomous domains of subaltern politics.  Such a retheorization of the historical conditions of possibility of contemporary class politics from below articulates the point of departure for a properly post-Western Marxism adequate to the challenges of finding a path to a great transition to post-capitalism.  This paper also fits two other conference themes:  1) Capitalism and Contemporary Oppressions and 2) Ecological Crisis.  My colleague and research collaborator Dr. Sheena Wilson (on Feminist Energy Futures) has also proposed a paper for this conference and we would be happy to be placed on the same panel.<\/p>\n<h5>Feminism, Marxism and Origin Stories: Revisiting Engels and Indigeneity<\/h5>\n<p>Abigail Bakan, University of Toronto (Toronto, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Karl Marx died in 1883, with much of his writing unfinished and unpublished. His life long collaborator, Frederick Engels, turned his attention to editing and completing Marx\u2019s unfinished works. One of the first of these was the Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State. Here, among other arguments Engels makes a strong case for women\u2019s emancipation, thoroughly grounded in the historical materialist method he advanced with Marx. The text is strongly reliant on Marx\u2019s notebooks on Lewis H. Morgan\u2019s 1877 study, Ancient Society, or Researches in the Lines of Human Progress from Savagery through Barbarism to Civilization. The subtitle of Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State is significant: \u201cIn Light of the Researches of Lewis H. Morgan\u201d. Morgan\u2019s major study considers the life and social organization of the Iroquois, or Haudenosaunee, the five Indigenous nations which had survived the violence of colonial occupation and resided in an area of northern New York State for a period of time following the US Civil War. Importantly, among other contributions Morgan provided a detailed account of an Indigenous population where women were not subjugated by patriarchal oppression. This observation has been confirmed repeatedly, not least through the continued practices, oral histories and contributions to scholarship and policy of indigenous peoples, in the majority Indigenous women, themselves. While there is a considerably body of literature addressing Origin of the Family, this paper considers the contribution from the lens of Indigenous and anti-racist feminism. Issues that come to light are Morgan\u2019s reliance on an Indigenous guide, Ely S. Parker, the contribution of Indigenous societies to first wave American feminism, and the implications of Engels\u2019s classic text for current debates in socialist theory, history and practice.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">R\u00e9sistance et genre : La transformation sociale men\u00e9e par les femmes kurdes au-del\u00e0 de l&rsquo;\u00c9tat <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#8b25a8; color:#fff\">F\u00e9minisme<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Sam 11:30 &#8211; SH-3420 &#8211; EN(Traduction disponible) &#8211; Atelier introductif<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc69\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">Belonging to one of the world\u2019s largest stateless nations, Kurdish women contribute to a re-articulation of women\u2019s liberation. As a result of their ethno-cultural identity, Kurdish women have undergone especially harsh levels of class oppression, patriarchal violence, and subordination to the state; in response, they have developed their own unique forms of political agency. Nothing illustrates this transformative process better than the Kurdish social movement\u2019s embrace of egalitarian principl&#8230;<\/p>\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Elif Genc, New School for Social Research (Toronto, Canada) <\/br>Berivan Sarikaya, OISE, University of Toronto (Toronto, Canada)<\/br>Ruken Isik, University of Maryland (College Park, MD, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br>Sevgi Arslan, University of Toronto (Toronto, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc69\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">R\u00e9sistance et genre : La transformation sociale men\u00e9e par les femmes kurdes au-del\u00e0 de l&rsquo;\u00c9tat <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Belonging to one of the world\u2019s largest stateless nations, Kurdish women contribute to a re-articulation of women\u2019s liberation. As a result of their ethno-cultural identity, Kurdish women have undergone especially harsh levels of class oppression, patriarchal violence, and subordination to the state; in response, they have developed their own unique forms of political agency. Nothing illustrates this transformative process better than the Kurdish social movement\u2019s embrace of egalitarian principles, gender equality, and radical democracy.By rejecting to comply with the premises of the global patriarchal capitalist nation-state order; reclaiming legitimate self-defense; dissociating the monopoly of power from the state; and fighting a brutal force not on behalf of imperialist forces, but in order to create their own terms of liberation, not only from the state or fascist organizations, but also their own community. This panel will begin with deconstructing \u201cJinneology\u201d, the Kurdish women\u2019s movement\u2019s theoritical framework being currently put into various forms of praxis in cities and rural Kurdish regions of contemporary Turkey and Syria (Bakur and Rojava). Beginning from this point of discussion this panel will question the racial violence that constitutes Kurdish woman\u2019s subjectivities and communities locally and globally. In addition from the lived experiences of a former Kurdish female political prisoner, this panel will explore the role of incarcerated women in the Kurdish social movement, offering an alternative approach to both the male-dominated canonical approach and the feminist approach to the Kurdish women\u2019s movement. Then moving to armed Kurdish women\u2019s groups which have been met with harsh state violence, useing a gross combination of racism and sexism, centered around sexualized torture, systematic rape, and propaganda that portray these militant women as prostitutes, because they dared to pose themselves as enemies of hyper-masculine armies. And lastly delving into the necropolitics of the Turkish state being sites of Kurdish solidarity and resistance to the colonialism and sovereignty. The panel will analyze how guerilla women\u2019s dead bodies and their demand of mobility challenge the colonial borders of nation states.Living in a territory that is colonized between four nation states, Turkey, Iraq, Syria, and Iran, Kurdish women face different forms of oppression in each of these territories depending on the forms of violence adapted by each state organ.  This panel will provide a prime example of women\u2019s struggle in different contexts of capitalist statehood from very-centralized to war-torn and from religiously-motivated to quasi-state. This situation created both drawbacks in terms of the division of the power of women, but it also enabled a situation where women strategized their type of resistance to fight the local forms of patriarchy, capitalism, and oppression while providing premises for all women worldwide.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p>Elif Genc, New School for Social Research (Toronto, Canada) <\/br><\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Berivan Sarikaya, OISE, University of Toronto (Toronto, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Ruken Isik, University of Maryland (College Park, MD, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Sevgi Arslan, University of Toronto (Toronto, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">F\u00e9minismes, d\u00e9croissance et post-capitalisme <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#8b25a8; color:#fff\">F\u00e9minisme<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Dim 9:30 &#8211; SH-2580 &#8211; EN\/FR &#8211; Atelier introductif<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc74\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Laurie Gagnon-Bouchard, Universit\u00e9 du Qu\u00e9bec \u00e0 Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>\u00c9loi Paradis-Desch\u00eanes, Universit\u00e9 d\u2019Ottawa (Ottawa, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc74\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">F\u00e9minismes, d\u00e9croissance et post-capitalisme <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5>La vuln\u00e9rabilit\u00e9 et la relationnalit\u00e9 comme bases pour penser une soci\u00e9t\u00e9 post-capitaliste id\u00e9ale<\/h5>\n<p>Laurie Gagnon-Bouchard, Universit\u00e9 du Qu\u00e9bec \u00e0 Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>La contribution que je vous propose se veut une r\u00e9flexion qui s\u2019int\u00e9resse aux bases sur lesquelles devraient s\u2019inscrire les mod\u00e8les de soci\u00e9t\u00e9s post-capitalistes id\u00e9ales. Ainsi, j\u2019entends proposer de nouveaux fondements pour r\u00e9fl\u00e9chir une soci\u00e9t\u00e9 utopique qui s\u2019inspirerait de l\u2019\u00e9cof\u00e9minisme et de l\u2019\u00e9thique du care. Ma conf\u00e9rence se divisera en deux parties. Dans un premier temps, j\u2019exposerai les critiques que font les \u00e9cof\u00e9ministes (Shiva, Mies, Merchant, Plumwood), les penseurs de la d\u00e9colonialit\u00e9 (Dussel, Mignolo) et la f\u00e9ministe marxiste Silvia Federici du mod\u00e8le capitaliste actuel et de son fondement th\u00e9orique. Nous verrons alors que le point commun \u00e9vident rassemblant les diff\u00e9rentes approches se pr\u00e9sente comme la critique des oppositions dualistes (culture\/nature, homme\/femme, raison\/\u00e9motion, esprit\/corps, civilis\u00e9\/sauvage) qui ont servi \u00e0 construire les rapports de pouvoir qui persistent encore aujourd\u2019hui. Ce constat permettra d\u2019ouvrir la r\u00e9flexion sur la n\u00e9cessit\u00e9 de chercher d\u2019autres bases th\u00e9oriques sur lesquelles fonder une soci\u00e9t\u00e9 id\u00e9ale qui s\u2019extirpe des rapports de pouvoir et de la domination. Dans un second temps, je proposerai de concevoir la vuln\u00e9rabilit\u00e9 et la relationnalit\u00e9 comme nouvelles bases d\u2019une soci\u00e9t\u00e9 utopique post-capitaliste. Mon hypoth\u00e8se est que les notions de vuln\u00e9rabilit\u00e9 humaine et de relationnalit\u00e9, qui sont au c\u0153ur de l\u2019\u00e9thique du care et de l\u2019\u00e9cof\u00e9minisme, pourraient constituer le socle \u00e0 partir duquel r\u00e9fl\u00e9chir une telle alternative. La vuln\u00e9rabilit\u00e9 et la relationnalit\u00e9 sont des conditions de notre existence qui ont \u00e9t\u00e9 ni\u00e9es dans le fondement th\u00e9orique de nos soci\u00e9t\u00e9s capitalistes. Nous ne pouvons plus ignorer la n\u00e9cessit\u00e9 de formuler une approche de la soci\u00e9t\u00e9 post-capitaliste juste qui soit inclusive des diff\u00e9rentes visions du monde et de la nature. En ce sens, la revalorisation de la vuln\u00e9rabilit\u00e9 et de la relationnalit\u00e9 me semble in\u00e9luctable si nous voulons \u00e9laborer une soci\u00e9t\u00e9 post-capitaliste int\u00e9ressante qui \u00e9viterait de reproduire l\u2019oppression.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>\u00c9loi Paradis-Desch\u00eanes, Universit\u00e9 d\u2019Ottawa (Ottawa, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"row themeprogback\" style=\"background-image: url(https:\/\/thegreattransition.net\/wp-content\/uploads\/2018\/02\/histoire.jpg)\" id=\"4\">\n<div class=\"themetitle\" style=\"background-color: #c8a700;\">\n<h4 class=\"themefont\" style=\"color: #000;\">Histoire<\/h4>\n<\/p><\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"row horaireback\">\n<div class=\"col-sm-2 col-xs-5\">                            <\/div>\n<div class=\"col-sm-10 col-xs-12\">\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Consolidation du capitalisme au 19eme si\u00e8cle <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#c8a700; color:#000\">Histoire<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Ven 9:30 &#8211; SH-2620 &#8211; EN\/FR(Traduction disponible) &#8211; Atelier avanc\u00e9<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc113\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Brad Bauerly, North Shore College (Danvers, MA, \u00c9tats-Unis) <\/br>Thierry Drapeau, Universit\u00e9 du Qu\u00e9bec en Outaouais (Gatineau, Canada)<\/br>Isobel Plowright, Columbia University (New York, USA), Columbia University (New York,  USA)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc113\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Consolidation du capitalisme au 19eme si\u00e8cle <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5>\u201cLessons from the Emergence and Acceptance of Market Ideology: Resistance and State Building in the Midwestern US\u201d<\/h5>\n<p>Brad Bauerly, North Shore College (Danvers, MA, \u00c9tats-Unis) <\/br><\/p>\n<p>While there have been many recent studies outlining the transition to capitalism in the U.S., many rest on a structuralist reading of economic change that posits a one-off transition that unleashes market imperatives and brings forth capitalist hegemony. Missing are the specific details which might illuminate the agents of these changes. This study overcomes the shortcomings by elucidating the agents and details of the drawn-out nature of the U.S. transition. The details will be outlined through a historic enquiry into the two main forces of change: the various forms of resistance to economic development and the state building responses to these movements that constructed the market forces producing further rounds of capitalist development. By focusing on the transition in what was known as the Old Northwest \u2013 MN, WI, MI, IL, IN, OH \u2013 between the 1830s and the 1880s, this study will reveal the significant developments in resistance and class struggle that occurred in both agrarian and labor forms, in the state building necessary to mitigate and neutralize this resistance, stimulating and superintending the transition, and in the market innovations these social processes fed into and grew out of. In doing so a \u2018strong\u2019 agro-industrial theory will be developed that recognizes the co-developmental processes of the transition with industrial development and market expansion directed by the active hand of state. The history of the Midwestern transition rests on the specific federal government developments in infrastructure building, land policy, and technological research and the way these were initiated in response to specific episodes of class based resistance. Detailing this history explicates the agentic processes that moved craft artisans into wage earners and subsistence farmers into producers for markets, which became the basis of the establishment of capitalist hegemony in America.<\/p>\n<h5>The \u00ab\u00a0Western Wave\u00a0\u00bb of 1848: Reconsidering the Underground Railroad in the Atlantic Age of Revolution<\/h5>\n<p>Thierry Drapeau, Universit\u00e9 du Qu\u00e9bec en Outaouais (Gatineau, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>In the 1840s, as Europe was about to plunge into the revolutionary abyss, increasing numbers of African American slaves in the south of the United States were liberating themselves from bondage by running away northward through the clandestine network of escape known as the Underground Railroad. In fact, successful slave escapes were so overwhelming that the slave population was declining significantly in the upper South during that decade, hence causing an ominous threat to the country\u2019s sectional balance. When news of the outbreak of a new revolution in France reached American soil in March 1848, African Americans\u2014enslaved and free\u2014immediately related to and were inspired by the event, leading Frederick Douglass to speak of the underground black liberation movement as the \u201cwestern wave\u201d of an upcoming transatlantic revolutionary tide. Building on Douglass\u2019s insight, my presentation will argue that it is useful to weave the story of the Underground Railroad into the history of the nineteenth-century revolutionary Atlantic world. In taking the still largely ignored standpoint of African Americans involved in the underground work of self-emancipation across North America, I will throw into focus a \u201cblack 1848\u201d, where the ideas of republicanism, socialism, and internationalism were translated by the enslaved and their allies for immediate abolitionism. In the end, this exploration will drive us to a different understanding of the Underground Railroad\u2014one in which, on the one hand, collective operations of self-liberation across North America re-emerge as a distinct, yet entangled, form of labour internationalism in the form of escape, while, on the other hand, the 1850 Fugitive Slave Act re-emerges as a pre-emptive conservative reaction, although not of royalty, but of slavery.<\/p>\n<h5>Family, Politics and Gender: Radical New Yorkers&rsquo; Response to the Paris Commune<\/h5>\n<p>Isobel Plowright, Columbia University (New York, USA), Columbia University (New York,  USA)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Origines et histoire du capitalisme <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#c8a700; color:#000\">Histoire<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Ven 14:00 &#8211; PK-1780 &#8211; EN &#8211; Atelier avanc\u00e9<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc76\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Brad Bauerly, North Shore College (Danvers, MA, \u00c9tats-Unis) <\/br>Jason Opal, McGill University (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Matthew Dow, York University (Toronto, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc76\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Origines et histoire du capitalisme <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5>\u201cThe Superintending State: Early American Resistance, Agro-industrial State Building and the Transition to Capitalism.\u00a0\u00bb<\/h5>\n<p>Brad Bauerly, North Shore College (Danvers, MA, \u00c9tats-Unis) <\/br><\/p>\n<p>This presentation will the influence of early agrarian movements on state institutional capacity building in the US, revealing how the two forces of state intervention and social movement pressure converged to produce a dynamic relationship between the transition to agrarian capitalism and industrialization or agro-industrialization. It will be shown how this protracted agro-industrial development fueled both social movements and state building responses that furthered capitalist development. By highlighting four specific categories of state building\u2013 land policy, infrastructure development, agricultural technology and agro-industrial development \u2013 this research reveals how the agro-industrial project developed out of rural class struggle spurred economic development and created unique capacities as the US state sought to quell and integrate this rural class struggle into capitalist development.<\/p>\n<h5>For Christ and Sugar: The Iberian Origins of Island Capitalism<\/h5>\n<p>Jason Opal, McGill University (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Histories of capitalism conventionally begin with early modern England. Beginning in the 1500s and continuing through the 1700s, we know, English landlords began to physically and legally \u201cenclose\u201d their estates and to claim new powers over the servants who labored there. This resulted in mass dislocations and state-led violence against the \u201cmasterless men\u201d whom English capitalists needed to exploit new lands\u2014both at home and on American plantations. This presentation proposes another starting point: fifteenth-century Portugal, which repeatedly launched latter-day Crusades into North Africa. These expeditions were intimately linked to Portuguese sugar cultivation on Madeira and Cape Verde, which devoured workers with its ferocious work regimes. Slaving expeditions against Muslims gradually lost their explicit religious purpose as Portuguese ships ranged farther down the west African coast; by the late 1500s, the islands of S\u00e3o Tome and Principe had become concentration camps where enslaved blacks\u2014imagined as \u201cinfidels\u201d or even as non-humans\u2014produced sugar for a Mediterranean market. At the same time, Portuguese colonists in Brazil made common cause with English adventurers in the Caribbean, setting the stage for the historic transfer of sugar-making skills from the Iberian world to the British island of Barbados in the 1640s. The extreme slavery on that island then shaped Anglo-American ventures in Jamaica, Carolina, and Virginia.Why does this matter? Because capitalism still reflects its origins in religious war and slaving expeditions. This is most visible in the endless search for nameless, rights-less labor in poor and weak countries. More subtly, modern capitalism retains a fundamentally religious drive for total mastery over people and places. Once possible only on small islands, this fanatical vision now targets the world at-large, demanding counter-visions that are both radical and practical.<\/p>\n<h5>Uneven and Combined Confusion : on the geopolitical origines of capitalism and the rise of the West<\/h5>\n<p>Matthew Dow, York University (Toronto, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>This presentation offers a critique of Alexander Anievas and Kerem Ni\u015fancio\u011flu\u2019s \u2018How the West came to rule: the geopolitical origins of capitalism\u2019.  We argue that while all historiography features a number of silences, shortcomings or omissions, the omissions in \u2018How the West came to rule\u2019 lead to a mistaken view of the emergence of capitalism. There are two main issues to be confronted. First, we argue that Anievas and Ni\u015fancio\u011flu have an inadequate and misleading understanding of \u201ccapital\u201d and \u201ccapitalism\u201d that tilts them towards a theoretical stance that comes very close to arguing that everything caused capitalism while at the same time having no clear and convincing de\ufb01nition of \u201ccapital\u201d or \u201ccapitalism\u201d. Second, there are at least three omissions\u2014particular to England\/Britain within a geopolitical context\u2014that should be discussed in any attempt to explain the development of capitalism: the \ufb01nancial revolution and the Bank of England; the transition to coal energy; and the capitalization of state power as it relates to war, colonialism and slavery. We conclude by calling for a connected-histories approach within the framework of capital as power.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">\u00c9tudes de cas sur les origines du capitalisme (Lancement de livre) <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#c8a700; color:#000\">Histoire<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Ven 16:00 &#8211; SH-2420 &#8211; EN &#8211; Atelier avanc\u00e9<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc4\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Charles Post, City University of New York (New York, USA) <\/br>Xavier Lafrance, UQAM (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Michael Zmolek, University of Iowa (Iowa City, USA)<\/br>Mark Cohen, Chinese University of Hong Kong (Hong Kong, China)<\/br>Nicole Leach, York University (Toronto, Canada)<\/br>Jessica Evans, York University (Toronto, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc4\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">\u00c9tudes de cas sur les origines du capitalisme (Lancement de livre) <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5>Book Launch: Case Studies in the Origins of Capitalism<\/h5>\n<p>Charles Post, City University of New York (New York, USA) <\/br><\/p>\n<p>Whether described as \u201cPolitical Marxism\u201d or \u201cCapital-centric Marxism,\u201d Robert Brenner and Ellen Meiskins Wood\u2019s approach to the origins of capitalism transformed the terms of debate on this issue among both Marxist and non-Marxist scholars. Beginning with a rigorous concept of capitalism\u2019s specificity\u2014the market dependence of both non-producers and direct laborers\u2014Brenner and Wood developed a rigorous alternative explanation of the origins of capitalism in the English countryside in the \u201clong sixteenth century\u201d to that provided by both  the \u201cdemographic\u201d and \u201ccommercialization models.\u201d Over the years, Brenner and Wood\u2019s work has inspired a new generation of Marxist scholars to extend their insights to the origins of capitalism outside of England. In a forthcoming volume, Case Studies in the Origins of Capitalism, to be published as part of Palgrave\u2019s Marx, Engels and Marxism series, Xavier Lafrance (UQAM) and Charles Post (CUNY) have brought together case studies ranging from France, Catalonia, and the United States to Canada, Japan, Brazil, and Turkey. This panel will highlight four contributions to the volume on Canada, England, Japan and Social Reproduction and the transition to capitalism. History of Capitalism: From Origins to the Present<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Xavier Lafrance, UQAM (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>&#8211;<\/p>\n<h5>Industrial transition in England<\/h5>\n<p>Michael Zmolek, University of Iowa (Iowa City, USA)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5>The Peasantry and Tenancy-Market Dependence: Rural Capitalism in Meiji-Era Japan<\/h5>\n<p>Mark Cohen, Chinese University of Hong Kong (Hong Kong, China)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5>Rethinking the \u2018Social\u2019 in the transition to capitalism: Reading Federici and Brenner Together<\/h5>\n<p>Nicole Leach, York University (Toronto, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5>Colonialism(s), Race, and the Transition to Capitalism in Canada<\/h5>\n<p>Jessica Evans, York University (Toronto, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Femmes, travail et reproduction sociale<span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#c8a700; color:#000\">Histoire<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Sam 9:30 &#8211; SH-2120 &#8211; FR &#8211; Atelier introductif<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc16\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Camille Robert, Universit\u00e9 du Qu\u00e9bec \u00e0 Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada) <\/br>Roxane B\u00e9lisle, Universit\u00e9 du Qu\u00e9bec \u00e0 Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Marie-Pierre Boucher, Universit\u00e9 du Qu\u00e9bec en Outaouais (Gatineau, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Animation: Magda Fahrni<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc16\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Femmes, travail et reproduction sociale<\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5>Apports de la pens\u00e9e marxiste dans la conceptualisation des activit\u00e9s domestiques comme travail.<\/h5>\n<p>Camille Robert, Universit\u00e9 du Qu\u00e9bec \u00e0 Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada) <\/br><\/p>\n<p>Devant l\u2019\u00e9chec du marxisme orthodoxe \u00e0 penser l\u2019exploitation sp\u00e9cifique des femmes, des f\u00e9ministes socialistes et des f\u00e9ministes marxistes, comme elles se revendiquaient, entreprennent de th\u00e9oriser l\u2019exploitation des m\u00e9nag\u00e8res en mobilisant la cat\u00e9gorie marxiste de travail. Ce faisant, elles accordent aux m\u00e9nag\u00e8res un statut de travailleuses et font d\u2019elles des actrices politiques \u00e0 partir de leurs propres lieux de production. La maison et le quartier deviennent alors une \u00ab usine sociale \u00bb, n\u00e9cessaire \u00e0 la reproduction de la force de travail. C\u2019est donc \u00e0 la fois dans une posture d\u2019inspiration et de d\u00e9passement du marxisme classique que les f\u00e9ministes analysent le travail m\u00e9nager comme forme d\u2019exploitation sp\u00e9cifique des femmes dans le syst\u00e8me capitaliste. Durant les ann\u00e9es 1970, cette analyse non-orthodoxe est source de conflits, non seulement \u00e0 l\u2019int\u00e9rieur du mouvement f\u00e9ministe, mais plus largement dans la gauche. Nous proposons ici de pr\u00e9senter les \u00e9changes entre f\u00e9minisme et marxisme dans le Qu\u00e9bec des ann\u00e9es 1970 en faisant ressortir les alliances et les oppositions.<\/p>\n<h5>Le capitalisme, les Juifs et les femmes dans le nationalisme de Lionel Groulx : la n\u00e9cessit\u00e9 de penser la r\u00e9sistance au capitalisme dans une perspective intersectionelle.<\/h5>\n<p>Roxane B\u00e9lisle, Universit\u00e9 du Qu\u00e9bec \u00e0 Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>\u00c0 partir des ann\u00e9es 1940, Lionel Groulx emploie l\u2019expression \u00abseconde conqu\u00eate\u00bb pour mettre en garde les Canadiens-fran\u00e7ais envers les p\u00e9rils pos\u00e9s \u00e0 la nation par une industrialisation rapide men\u00e9e par le \u00abcapital \u00e9tranger\u00bb. Le capitalisme repr\u00e9sente pour lui la principale menace \u00e0 la nation canadienne-fran\u00e7aise, orientant son nationalisme autour de l\u2019id\u00e9e de la sauvegarde de la nation.  Alors qu\u2019il existe une historiographie dense et de nombreux d\u00e9bats sur la question des Juifs dans les \u00e9crits de Lionel Groulx, le r\u00f4le des femmes dans la pens\u00e9e du chanoine a \u00e9t\u00e9 peu trait\u00e9 par les historiens et historiennes. Pourtant, tel que l\u2019a d\u00e9montr\u00e9 l\u2019historienne Susan Mann, l\u2019image des femmes est au c\u0153ur du nationalisme de Groulx et la baisse du taux de natalit\u00e9 des canadiennes-fran\u00e7aises est un \u00e9l\u00e9ment central des inqui\u00e9tudes qu\u2019il entretient pour la survie de la nation. On peut ainsi articuler la question de la sauvegarde de la nation en r\u00e9action au capitalisme, mais aussi face \u00e0 la double menace pos\u00e9e par les Juifs et par les femmes. En revisitant Lionel Groulx d\u2019une telle fa\u00e7on, on peut comprendre sa pens\u00e9e comme une forme d\u2019opposition au capitalisme dans laquelle sont imbriqu\u00e9s antif\u00e9minisme et antis\u00e9mitisme. Ceci nous permet d\u2019insister sur la n\u00e9cessit\u00e9 de penser la r\u00e9sistance au capitalisme dans une perspective intersectionnelle et de souligner le danger pos\u00e9 par une tendance conservatrice anticapitaliste et une secondarisation des luttes f\u00e9ministes et antiracistes.<\/p>\n<h5>Revenu garanti, salarisation et marchandisation de la vie.<\/h5>\n<p>Marie-Pierre Boucher, Universit\u00e9 du Qu\u00e9bec en Outaouais (Gatineau, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>\u00c0 partir des interpr\u00e9tations de l\u2019Acte de Speenhamland discut\u00e9es par Polanyi dans La Grande transformation (1943), nous allons interroger le proc\u00e8s de marchandisation des pratiques sociales qui accompagne les revendications de reconnaissance des activit\u00e9s jusqu\u2019\u00e0 alors non salari\u00e9es. En prenant la province du Qu\u00e9bec comme toile de fond, nous souhaitons examiner trois cas qui s\u2019\u00e9chelonnent sur trois p\u00e9riodes (1960-1970; 1970-2017; 2016-). Le premier, directement li\u00e9 \u00e0 la r\u00e9f\u00e9rence speenhamlandienne, concerne la r\u00e9gulation \u00e9tatique et vise \u00e0 articuler l\u2019id\u00e9e d\u2019allocation universelle \u00e0 la dynamique d\u2019activation de l\u2019Aide sociale; les cas 2 et 3 concerneront le service domestique, et les \u00e9tudes sup\u00e9rieures (de la revendication pour le paiement des stages \u00e0 l\u2019id\u00e9e de salarier les \u00e9tudes sup\u00e9rieures), les deux ayant fait l\u2019objet d\u2019appel \u00e0 la reconnaissance en empruntant au vocabulaire du travail. Notre analyse sera nuanc\u00e9e pour tenir compte des situations de pauvret\u00e9 li\u00e9es aux discriminations syst\u00e9miques (de genre en particulier). En d\u00e9pit de cette nuance, notre argumentaire concernera la m\u00e9connaissance des rapports de domination et de destruction de la vie qu\u2019incarne le travail, et la reconduction des probl\u00e8mes que ces revendications visaient \u00e0 r\u00e9soudre.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<p>Animation: Magda Fahrni<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">\u00c9tat, propri\u00e9t\u00e9 et colonialisme<span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#c8a700; color:#000\">Histoire<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Sam 11:30 &#8211; SH-2120 &#8211; FR &#8211; Atelier avanc\u00e9<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc17\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Robert Sweeny, Universit\u00e9 de Terre-Neuve (St. John\u2019s, Canada) <\/br>Brian Gettler, University of Toronto (Toronto, Canada)<\/br>Isabelle Bouchard, Universit\u00e9 du Qu\u00e9bec \u00e0 Trois-Rivi\u00e8res (Trois-Rivi\u00e8res, Canada)<\/br>Louis-Philippe Lavall\u00e9e, McGill (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Animation: Dalie Giroux<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc17\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">\u00c9tat, propri\u00e9t\u00e9 et colonialisme<\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5>L&rsquo;\u00e9tat des choses sur l&rsquo;\u00c9tat.<\/h5>\n<p>Robert Sweeny, Universit\u00e9 de Terre-Neuve (St. John\u2019s, Canada) <\/br><\/p>\n<p>Selon Martin Petitclerc, j\u2019\u00e9carte la question centrale de la formation de l\u2019\u00c9tat et ainsi rel\u00e8gue en arri\u00e8re-plan toute question politique dans mon livre Why Did We Choose to Industrialize\u2009?  Le r\u00e9sultat de ces erreurs conceptuelles est que mon livre \u00ab\u2009risque de limiter notre capacit\u00e9 \u00e0 d\u00e9velopper un savoir historique critique sur le capitalisme.\u2009\u00bb Depuis longtemps au Qu\u00e9bec, la question coloniale s\u2019articule autour des rapports avec l\u2019Empire britannique, et donc les R\u00e9bellions de 1837-38 repr\u00e9sentent le n\u0153ud gordien \u00e0 r\u00e9soudre. La critique de cet h\u00e9ritage anime mon livre. La question coloniale centrale selon moi, c\u2019est le fait qu\u2019il s\u2019agit d\u2019une colonie de peuplement. Ainsi la continuit\u00e9 l\u2019emporte sur la rupture et les rapports imp\u00e9riaux sont \u00e0 d\u00e9terminer, par la recherche historique; ils ne sont pas pr\u00e9d\u00e9termin\u00e9s par une identit\u00e9 nationale pr\u00e9existante. Le drame au centre de mon ouvrage est pourquoi on a accept\u00e9 de remplacer une \u00e9conomie morale par une \u00e9conomie lib\u00e9rale\u2009? En posant la question ainsi, on modifie consid\u00e9rablement notre vision de l\u2019\u00e9tat. Gr\u00e2ce \u00e0 cette perspective locale, au lieu de voir l\u2019\u00c9tat par en haut, on le voit par en bas, qui nous permet de voir appara\u00eetre la raison d\u2019\u00eatre de l\u2019\u00c9tat lui-m\u00eame. L\u2019\u00c9tat se r\u00e9v\u00e8le comme une structure complexe de contr\u00f4le des \u00e9changes afin d\u2019assurer la stabilit\u00e9 de l\u2019unit\u00e9 \u00e9conomique de base de cette colonie de peuplement : les foyers de petits producteurs marchands, organis\u00e9s pour la vaste majorit\u00e9 en unit\u00e9s familiales. Les implications politiques de cette conceptualisation nouvelle fournissent la substance de cette communication.<\/p>\n<h5>Un march\u00e9 des terres autochtones? La propri\u00e9t\u00e9 fonci\u00e8re \u00e0 Odanak et Wendake au 19e si\u00e8cle.<\/h5>\n<p>Brian Gettler, University of Toronto (Toronto, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Depuis la fin du XVIIIe si\u00e8cle, une propri\u00e9t\u00e9 fonci\u00e8re autochtone, qui s\u2019inscrit dans le cadre du r\u00e9gime seigneurial, mais qui est distincte des censives conc\u00e9d\u00e9es aux Canadiens, se d\u00e9veloppe dans les terres conc\u00e9d\u00e9es pour l\u2019usage des Autochtones. Durant le XIXe si\u00e8cle, les Ab\u00e9naquis d\u2019Odanak et les Wendats de Wendake ont recours aux notaires pour enregistrer leurs mutations fonci\u00e8res. \u00c0 partir de nos recherches pr\u00e9liminaires dans les greffes de notaire, nous pr\u00e9senterons des exemples de mutations fonci\u00e8res t\u00e9moignant du march\u00e9 foncier qui se d\u00e9veloppe dans ces deux communaut\u00e9s. Ces actes de mutations fonci\u00e8res nous permettront de nous pencher sur la question de la valeur de ces terres en th\u00e9orie r\u00e9serv\u00e9es pour les \u00ab Sauvages \u00bb et de l\u2019enjeu de l\u2019identit\u00e9 \u00ab ethnique \u00bb des parties impliqu\u00e9es dans ces transactions. Nous analyserons \u00e9galement les liens entre, d\u2019une part, les Ab\u00e9naquis et les Wendats et, de l\u2019autre, des terres situ\u00e9es en dehors des r\u00e9serves. Nous chercherons \u00e0 d\u00e9cortiquer le processus qui a permis \u00e0 certains Wendats au cours du XIXe si\u00e8cle de devenir une source importante du capital pour leurs voisins, aussi bien non autochtones qu\u2019autochtones, voulant acqu\u00e9rir des terres. En consid\u00e9rant \u00e9galement le cas d\u2019Odanak, ceci nous m\u00e8nera \u00e0 examiner sous un autre angle le r\u00f4le de la politique dans le d\u00e9veloppement capitaliste. Si les gestes pos\u00e9s par certains Autochtones au XIXe si\u00e8cle semblent s\u2019accorder parfaitement avec l\u2019\u00ab esprit du march\u00e9 \u00bb, l\u2019\u00c9tat lib\u00e9ral en voie de d\u00e9veloppement allait rendre ces gestes de plus en plus difficiles. \u00c0 l\u2019instar de l\u2019agriculture dans l\u2019Ouest \u00e0 la fin du XIXe si\u00e8cle, l\u2019\u00c9tat se lance quelques d\u00e9cennies plus t\u00f4t \u00e0 la reconfiguration du march\u00e9 des terres chez les Autochtones de l\u2019Est, enfermant celui-ci \u00e0 l\u2019int\u00e9rieur des r\u00e9serves.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Isabelle Bouchard, Universit\u00e9 du Qu\u00e9bec \u00e0 Trois-Rivi\u00e8res (Trois-Rivi\u00e8res, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5>L&rsquo;Acte seigneurial de 1854 en perspective: propri\u00e9t\u00e9 et am\u00e9lioration (improvement) au Bas-Canada.<\/h5>\n<p>Louis-Philippe Lavall\u00e9e, McGill (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>L\u2019abolition du r\u00e9gime seigneurial appara\u00eet trop souvent dans l\u2019historiographie qu\u00e9b\u00e9coise comme une n\u00e9cessit\u00e9 historique, comme l\u2019aboutissement \u00ab in\u00e9luctable \u00bb d\u2019un r\u00e9gime d\u00e9suet et anachronique sous la pression du capitalisme industriel. En rupture d\u2019une telle lecture qui tend \u00e0 r\u00e9duire l\u2019abolition du r\u00e9gime seigneurial  \u00e0 titre d\u2019\u00e9piph\u00e9nom\u00e8ne du grand r\u00e9cit de l\u2019essor du lib\u00e9ralisme \u00e9conomique, ou comme simple et in\u00e9vitable r\u00e9sultat d\u2019un processus de \u00ab modernisation \u00bb et \u00ab d\u2019industrialisation \u00bb, nous chercherons dans le cadre de cette pr\u00e9sentation \u00e0 contrebalancer cette tendance historiographique et d\u2019aller au-del\u00e0 d\u2019une lecture \u00e9conomiciste et t\u00e9l\u00e9ologique qui subordonne l\u2019analyse du changement social comme la manifestation directe des exigences du d\u00e9veloppement capitaliste. Nous nous pencherons particuli\u00e8rement sur l\u2019\u00e9tude des id\u00e9es de la propri\u00e9t\u00e9 et de l\u2019am\u00e9lioration (improvement) qui furent mobilis\u00e9es dans le cadre des d\u00e9bats sur l\u2019abolition de la tenure seigneuriale. Ces d\u00e9bats ne repr\u00e9sentaient pas qu\u2019une \u00ab guerre d\u2019id\u00e9es \u00bb, mais \u00e9taient partie prenante des conflits sociopolitiques sur la d\u00e9finition et la l\u00e9gitimation de la forme de tenure privil\u00e9gi\u00e9e, et ce, au profit et aux d\u00e9pens de qui. Nous aborderons \u00e9galement la question de la propri\u00e9t\u00e9 comme une relation sociale en mettant un accent particulier sur l\u2019analyse des luttes sociales, politiques et juridiques entre divers acteurs : seigneurs et habitants, propri\u00e9taires terriens, squatteurs, sp\u00e9culateurs, etc. Nous chercherons \u00e0 cet \u00e9gard \u00e0 int\u00e9grer la question seigneuriale dans le cadre plus g\u00e9n\u00e9ral de la transformation des droits de propri\u00e9t\u00e9 au Bas-Canada. Cela nous invite ainsi \u00e0 prendre en compte plusieurs th\u00e9matiques discut\u00e9es bien souvent de fa\u00e7on isol\u00e9e dans la litt\u00e9rature, une situation parfois renforc\u00e9e par la compartimentation de la connaissance dans un contexte o\u00f9 pr\u00e9dominent les imp\u00e9ratifs de sp\u00e9cialisation de la recherche universitaire.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<p>Animation: Dalie Giroux<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Contestations et aspirations anticapitalistes au XXe si\u00e8cle<span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#c8a700; color:#000\">Histoire<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Sam 14:00 &#8211; SH-2120 &#8211; FR &#8211; Atelier avanc\u00e9<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc23\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Genevi\u00e8ve Dorais, Universit\u00e9 du Qu\u00e9bec \u00e0 Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada) <\/br>Francis Dolan, Universit\u00e9 du Qu\u00e9bec \u00e0 Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>David St-Denis Lis\u00e9e, Universit\u00e9 du Qu\u00e9bec \u00e0 Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Jaouad Laaroussi, Universit\u00e9 du Qu\u00e9bec \u00e0 Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Animation: Thierry Drapeau<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc23\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Contestations et aspirations anticapitalistes au XXe si\u00e8cle<\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5>L&rsquo;Am\u00e9rique latine et les structures du capitalisme mondial.<\/h5>\n<p>Genevi\u00e8ve Dorais, Universit\u00e9 du Qu\u00e9bec \u00e0 Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada) <\/br><\/p>\n<p>Cette pr\u00e9sentation proposera une r\u00e9flexion sur les enseignements que l\u2019histoire de l\u2019Am\u00e9rique latine peut nous livrer sur le d\u00e9veloppement et le fonctionnement du syst\u00e8me capitaliste globalis\u00e9. Elle abordera pour ce faire trois moments forts de l\u2019\u00e9panouissement de ce syst\u00e8me marchand dans cette r\u00e9gion du monde: 1) la p\u00e9riode d\u2019expansion coloniale des XVe et XVIe si\u00e8cles dans les Am\u00e9riques; 2) la p\u00e9riode de contestation anti-imp\u00e9rialiste de l\u2019entre-deux-guerres; 3) la p\u00e9riode d\u2019impulsion n\u00e9olib\u00e9rale dans la p\u00e9riode des dictatures militaires des ann\u00e9es 1970-1980. La r\u00e9flexion cherchera \u00e0 mettre en relief les d\u00e9bats historiographiques qui ont contribu\u00e9 \u00e0 une meilleure compr\u00e9hension du fonctionnement capitaliste en Am\u00e9rique latine. Empruntant tout \u00e0 la fois \u00e0 l\u2019histoire sociale d\u2019influence \u00e9minemment marxiste (je pense notamment aux th\u00e8ses d\u2019Immanuel Wallerstein sur le syst\u00e8me-monde, et \u00e0 la r\u00e9vision abrupte qu\u2019en a offerte l\u2019historien Steve Stern (1988) par le biais de l\u2019histoire latino-am\u00e9ricaine) et aux histoires intellectuelles et politiques s\u2019attardant aux ph\u00e9nom\u00e8nes de r\u00e9sistance latino-am\u00e9ricaine, cette r\u00e9flexion sera port\u00e9e par deux objectifs pr\u00e9cis. Le premier propose d\u2019interroger les origines du syst\u00e8me capitaliste mondial, tout en justifiant les raisons pour lesquelles il est important de resituer les origines plurielles de ce syst\u00e8me encore trop souvent conjugu\u00e9 exclusivement au singulier. Le second entend donner des exemples de forme de r\u00e9sistance qui ont \u00e9t\u00e9 mises en place par des latino-am\u00e9ricain.e.s pour r\u00e9sister aux cons\u00e9quences n\u00e9fastes, et localis\u00e9es, du capitalisme mondial.<\/p>\n<h5>Des exp\u00e9riences autogestionnaires de Mai \u00e0 l&rsquo;autogestion comme perspective r\u00e9volutionnaire.<\/h5>\n<p>Francis Dolan, Universit\u00e9 du Qu\u00e9bec \u00e0 Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Cette pr\u00e9sentation proposera une r\u00e9flexion sur les enseignements que l\u2019histoire de l\u2019Am\u00e9rique latine peut nous livrer sur le d\u00e9veloppement et le fonctionnement du syst\u00e8me capitaliste globalis\u00e9. Elle abordera pour ce faire trois moments forts de l\u2019\u00e9panouissement de ce syst\u00e8me marchand dans cette r\u00e9gion du monde: 1) la p\u00e9riode d\u2019expansion coloniale des XVe et XVIe si\u00e8cles dans les Am\u00e9riques; 2) la p\u00e9riode de contestation anti-imp\u00e9rialiste de l\u2019entre-deux-guerres; 3) la p\u00e9riode d\u2019impulsion n\u00e9olib\u00e9rale dans la p\u00e9riode des dictatures militaires des ann\u00e9es 1970-1980. La r\u00e9flexion cherchera \u00e0 mettre en relief les d\u00e9bats historiographiques qui ont contribu\u00e9 \u00e0 une meilleure compr\u00e9hension du fonctionnement capitaliste en Am\u00e9rique latine. Empruntant tout \u00e0 la fois \u00e0 l\u2019histoire sociale d\u2019influence \u00e9minemment marxiste (je pense notamment aux th\u00e8ses d\u2019Immanuel Wallerstein sur le syst\u00e8me-monde, et \u00e0 la r\u00e9vision abrupte qu\u2019en a offerte l\u2019historien Steve Stern (1988) par le biais de l\u2019histoire latino-am\u00e9ricaine) et aux histoires intellectuelles et politiques s\u2019attardant aux ph\u00e9nom\u00e8nes de r\u00e9sistance latino-am\u00e9ricaine, cette r\u00e9flexion sera port\u00e9e par deux objectifs pr\u00e9cis. Le premier propose d\u2019interroger les origines du syst\u00e8me capitaliste mondial, tout en justifiant les raisons pour lesquelles il est important de resituer les origines plurielles de ce syst\u00e8me encore trop souvent conjugu\u00e9 exclusivement au singulier. Le second entend donner des exemples de forme de r\u00e9sistance qui ont \u00e9t\u00e9 mises en place par des latino-am\u00e9ricain.e.s pour r\u00e9sister aux cons\u00e9quences n\u00e9fastes, et localis\u00e9es, du capitalisme mondial.<\/p>\n<h5>1978 : la crise du mouvement r\u00e9volutionnaire. Le cas du groupe En Lutte!.<\/h5>\n<p>David St-Denis Lis\u00e9e, Universit\u00e9 du Qu\u00e9bec \u00e0 Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Dix ans apr\u00e8s 1968, la mouvance qui avait constitu\u00e9 le plus important p\u00f4le de la gauche radicale au Qu\u00e9bec entre en crise. Issu de la rupture sino-sovi\u00e9tique, propuls\u00e9 par le contexte des luttes anti-imp\u00e9rialistes et par l\u2019adh\u00e9rence du discours de la R\u00e9volution culturelle en Chine dans la jeunesse militante, le mouvement marxiste-l\u00e9niniste conna\u00eet quelques ann\u00e9es dynamiques avant d\u2019entrer en crise id\u00e9ologique. La chute des mod\u00e8les politiques et les pr\u00e9visions non r\u00e9alis\u00e9es acc\u00e9l\u00e8rent le d\u00e9sarroi des tenants de l\u2019\u00abanti-r\u00e9visionnisme \u00bb. L\u2019une des organisations les plus influentes de ce courant, le groupe EN LUTTE!, constitue un cas particulier. Rarement avait-on vu une organisation communiste \u2013 qui plus est, fonctionnant dans une relative clandestinit\u00e9 \u2013 d\u00e9battre au grand jour des principes fondamentaux de son existence. \u00c0 partir de 1978, le d\u00e9veloppement d\u2019initiatives internationalistes et d\u2019\u00e9tudes sur l\u2019histoire du mouvement communiste, entreprises dans le but de consolider le mouvement, le poussent au marasme. \u00c0 partir d\u2019une recherche dans les archives du groupe EN LUTTE! et celles de son secr\u00e9taire g\u00e9n\u00e9ral Charles Gagnon, cette communication a pour objectif d\u2019ouvrir des pistes de r\u00e9flexion constructives sur un aspect du militantisme communiste au 20e si\u00e8cle : le d\u00e9senchantement.<\/p>\n<h5>\u00a0\u00bb R\u00e9volution tranquille \u00a0\u00bb : M\u00e9moire d&rsquo;\u00c9tat ou m\u00e9moire de la r\u00e9sistance?<\/h5>\n<p>Jaouad Laaroussi, Universit\u00e9 du Qu\u00e9bec \u00e0 Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Depuis plusieurs d\u00e9cennies, les gouvernements successifs ont particip\u00e9 au d\u00e9mant\u00e8lement l\u2019\u00c9tat social Qu\u00e9b\u00e9cois avec leurs programmes de \u00ab\u2009Rigueur budg\u00e9taire\u2009\u00bb, de \u00ab\u2009R\u00e9volution culturelle\u2009\u00bb, de \u00ab\u2009R\u00e9ing\u00e9nierie de l\u2019\u00c9tat\u2009\u00bb ou de \u00ab\u2009D\u00e9ficit z\u00e9ro\u2009\u00bb. C\u2019est dans ce contexte que les mouvements sociaux \u2014 syndicats, \u00e9tudiants, f\u00e9ministes, communautaires, etc. \u2014se sont saisis de l\u2019h\u00e9ritage de la \u00ab\u2009R\u00e9volution tranquille\u2009\u00bb en guise de contre-mod\u00e8le \u00e0 ces programmes de coupures. Ainsi, la d\u00e9fense des \u00ab\u2009acquis\u2009\u00bb et du \u00ab\u2009mod\u00e8le qu\u00e9b\u00e9cois\u2009\u00bb a entrain\u00e9 diff\u00e9rents groupes \u00e0 concevoir la \u00ab\u2009R\u00e9volution tranquille\u2009\u00bb \u00e0 la fois, comme leur moment fondateur et comme leur horizon d\u2019attente. Pourtant, la radicalisation du mouvement syndical, l\u2019\u00e9mergence d\u2019un syndicalisme \u00e9tudiant de combat, du mouvement f\u00e9ministe et des groupes populaires s\u2019est d\u00e9roul\u00e9e \u00e0 la suite des principales r\u00e9formes de la R\u00e9volution tranquille et souvent en raison de la d\u00e9sillusion qu\u2019elles ont provoqu\u00e9e. Dans le cadre de cette communication, nous allons interroger le paradoxe de cette m\u00e9moire de la R\u00e9volution tranquille, comme mythe fondateur du Qu\u00e9bec moderne \u2014 M\u00e9moire d\u2019\u00c9tat \u2014 et comme mythe fondateur des groupes d\u2019opposition \u2014 m\u00e9moire des r\u00e9sistances. Alors que l\u2019historiographie r\u00e9cente s\u2019est principalement attel\u00e9e \u00e0 d\u00e9mystifier la \u00ab\u2009Grande noirceur\u2009\u00bb en d\u00e9voilant les \u00e9l\u00e9ments de continuit\u00e9 avec la \u00ab\u2009R\u00e9volution tranquille\u2009\u00bb, nous proposons d\u2019interroger a posteriori la R\u00e9volution tranquille, en pr\u00e9sentant les \u00e9l\u00e9ments de rupture \u00e0 l\u2019\u00e9gard du projet lib\u00e9ral r\u00e9formiste port\u00e9 par ces nouveaux mouvements sociaux. <\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<p>Animation: Thierry Drapeau<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">De l&rsquo;\u00e9conomie morale \u00e0 l&rsquo;immoralit\u00e9 n\u00e9olib\u00e9rale<span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#c8a700; color:#000\">Histoire<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Sam 16:00 &#8211; SH-2120 &#8211; FR &#8211; Atelier avanc\u00e9<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc24\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Alexandre Lapalme, Universit\u00e9 de Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada) <\/br>Moscha Yannissi,  (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Cory Verbauwhede, Universit\u00e9 du Qu\u00e9bec \u00e0 Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Martin Petitclerc, Universit\u00e9 du Qu\u00e9bec \u00e0 Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Animation: S\u00e9bastien Rioux<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc24\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">De l&rsquo;\u00e9conomie morale \u00e0 l&rsquo;immoralit\u00e9 n\u00e9olib\u00e9rale<\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5>Cr\u00e9dit, morale et soci\u00e9t\u00e9 \u00e0 Montr\u00e9al au 19e si\u00e8cle<\/h5>\n<p>Alexandre Lapalme, Universit\u00e9 de Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada) <\/br><\/p>\n<p>L\u2019historiographie qu\u00e9b\u00e9coise de la pauvret\u00e9 et des questions sociales a eu tendance \u00e0 se focaliser sur l\u2019\u00e9tude des modes institutionnels de prise en charge ou encore sur les m\u00e9canismes associatifs ou charitables de r\u00e9gulation de la pauvret\u00e9. Ces angles de recherche n\u00e9gligent toutefois une panoplie de moyens moins visibles utilis\u00e9e par les communaut\u00e9s populaires pour obtenir des produits de premi\u00e8res n\u00e9cessit\u00e9s, des biens mat\u00e9riels ou simplement un service quelconque. L\u2019analyse de r\u00e9seaux et de dispositifs subalternes et parall\u00e8les de financement \u00e0 Montr\u00e9al au 19e si\u00e8cle \u2014 c\u2019est-\u00e0-dire ext\u00e9rieurs au syst\u00e8me bancaire par ailleurs encore en constitution durant la p\u00e9riode et qui servait essentiellement le secteur marchand \u2014 jettera un regard nouveau sur diff\u00e9rentes facettes de la vie \u00e9conomique et sociale qu\u00e9b\u00e9coise. En nous penchant sur les relations de cr\u00e9dit interindividuel formelles et informelles, nous mettrons en lumi\u00e8re des jeux de pouvoir et de solidarit\u00e9 qui traversaient horizontalement la soci\u00e9t\u00e9. <\/p>\n<h5>R\u00e9gulations politiques et sociales du travail durant la premi\u00e8re moiti\u00e9 du vingti\u00e8me si\u00e8cle en Italie et en URSS<\/h5>\n<p>Moscha Yannissi,  (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Il est impossible d\u2019aborder l\u2019histoire politique du capitalisme en omettant les r\u00e9gulations sociales et juridiques du conflit industriel, propos\u00e9es ou impos\u00e9es par les courants contestateurs de ce syst\u00e8me. Le conflit industriel, inh\u00e9rent au capitalisme, en raison de l\u2019opposition des int\u00e9r\u00eats des d\u00e9tenteurs des capitaux et des travailleurs, a donn\u00e9 naissance \u00e0 plusieurs courants id\u00e9ologiques et politiques, dont les objectifs allaient d\u2019att\u00e9nuation des probl\u00e8mes sociaux jusqu\u2019\u00e0 la disparition de ce conflit. Dans cette communication nous proposons de faire une br\u00e8ve pr\u00e9sentation des r\u00e9sultats d\u2019une recherche que nous avons r\u00e9alis\u00e9e dans le cadre de r\u00e9daction d\u2019une th\u00e8se que nous avons soutenue en 2004 \u00e0 l\u2019Universit\u00e9 Laval. Dans cette th\u00e8se nous avons examin\u00e9 et compar\u00e9 le droit du travail d\u2019Italie fasciste et d\u2019Union Sovi\u00e9tique durant la p\u00e9riode 1922 \u2013 1936. Cette communication comprendra un bref survol des orientations oppos\u00e9es id\u00e9ologiquement de ces deux r\u00e9gimes et une pr\u00e9sentation plus d\u00e9taill\u00e9e des r\u00e9gulations juridiques, apport\u00e9es dans le domaine des relations du travail par rapport le contexte \u00e9conomique auquel ils faisaient face et le courant de la pens\u00e9 juridique de l\u2019\u00e9poque.<\/p>\n<h5>L\u2019\u00e9cole de la r\u00e9gulation au Qu\u00e9bec : les travaux du Projet accumulation et r\u00e9gulation au Qu\u00e9bec (PARQ)<\/h5>\n<p>Cory Verbauwhede, Universit\u00e9 du Qu\u00e9bec \u00e0 Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>R\u00e9gulation et crises du capitalisme, publi\u00e9 en 1976 par Michel Aglietta, est reconnu comme \u00e9tant le texte fondateur de l\u2019\u00ab \u00e9cole de la r\u00e9gulation \u00bb. Illustrant son propos avec le cas des \u00c9tats-Unis de 1870 \u00e0 1970, Aglietta cherchait \u00e0 se d\u00e9marquer de la \u00ab science \u00e9conomique conventionnelle \u00bb, qu\u2019il qualifiait de \u00ab totalitaire \u00bb, en ce qu\u2019elle n\u2019\u00e9tait capable de rendre compte ni du \u00ab temps v\u00e9cu \u00bb ni du \u00ab contenu social des relations \u00e9conomiques \u00bb. Par l\u2019\u00e9tude de cent ans de d\u00e9veloppements, Aglietta voulait rem\u00e9dier aux lacunes qu\u2019il attribuait aux th\u00e9ories n\u00e9oclassiques et \u00e0 pousser plus loin certaines des observations keyn\u00e9siennes : en raison de sa focalisation sur l\u2019imm\u00e9diat, Keynes aurait en effet omis d\u2019\u00e9tudier les \u00ab sujets \u00e9conomiques et leurs relations \u00bb les uns par rapport aux autres sur le temps long. De son c\u00f4t\u00e9, le Projet Accumulation et R\u00e9gulation au Qu\u00e9bec visait \u00e0 \u00ab renouveler l\u2019analyse historique de la socio-\u00e9conomie qu\u00e9b\u00e9coise aux XIXe et XXe si\u00e8cles &#8230; [en caressant] \u00e9galement l\u2019objectif d\u2019\u00e9veiller l\u2019int\u00e9r\u00eat pour la production de concepts op\u00e9rationnels propres \u00e0 appr\u00e9hender la r\u00e9alit\u00e9 sp\u00e9cifique du Qu\u00e9bec \u00bb. Dans notre communication, nous proposerons d\u2019\u00e9valuer comment le n\u00e9omarxisme h\u00e9rit\u00e9 de l\u2019\u00e9cole de la r\u00e9gulation a \u00e9t\u00e9 repris dans les travaux du PARQ, le tout afin d\u2019identifier des pistes int\u00e9ressantes pour une histoire politique du capitalisme au Qu\u00e9bec.<\/p>\n<h5>R\u00e9flexions historiennes sur l\u2019exploitation et la gr\u00e8ve au temps du n\u00e9olib\u00e9ralisme<\/h5>\n<p>Martin Petitclerc, Universit\u00e9 du Qu\u00e9bec \u00e0 Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>La transformation incessante des conditions sociales d\u2019existence, qui caract\u00e9rise l\u2019exp\u00e9rience n\u00e9olib\u00e9rale, est une caract\u00e9ristique bien connue du capitalisme. D\u00e8s 1848, Marx et Engels affirmaient que \u00ab ce bouleversement continuel de la production [capitaliste], ce constant \u00e9branlement de tout le syst\u00e8me social, cette agitation et cette ins\u00e9curit\u00e9 perp\u00e9tuelles distinguent l\u2019\u00e9poque bourgeoise de toutes les pr\u00e9c\u00e9dentes \u00bb. Ce bouleversement capitaliste a cr\u00e9\u00e9 les conditions d\u2019\u00e9mergence d\u2019un nouveau sujet politique, la classe ouvri\u00e8re, qui partageait une exp\u00e9rience commune de l\u2019exploitation. Pr\u00e8s de 175 ann\u00e9es plus tard, le bouleversement des conditions sociales d\u2019existence est toujours au coeur de l\u2019exp\u00e9rience du capitalisme, mais sans que puisse \u00e9merger un sujet collectif porteur d\u2019un projet global d\u2019\u00e9mancipation. Dans cette pr\u00e9sentation, nous proposons de r\u00e9fl\u00e9chir au r\u00f4le jou\u00e9 par le d\u00e9clin de la gr\u00e8ve dans cette fermeture n\u00e9olib\u00e9rale de l\u2019horizon politique. En nous appuyant sur l\u2019histoire sociale qu\u00e9b\u00e9coise, nous aborderons l\u2019\u00e9volution de cette pratique sociale de contestation et, dans une vis\u00e9e plus prospective, le sens de sa pertinence politique au temps de la consolidation du mode de gouvernement n\u00e9olib\u00e9ral.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<p>Animation: S\u00e9bastien Rioux<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Ce qui a chang\u00e9 le 25 Octobre 1917 : le\u00e7ons du contr\u00f4le ouvrier au d\u00e9but de l&rsquo;Union Sovi\u00e9tique <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#c8a700; color:#000\">Histoire<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Dim 9:30 &#8211; SH-2560 &#8211; FR &#8211; Atelier introductif<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc61\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">Ouvriers, soldats et paysans pauvres ont pris le pouvoir politique entre leurs mains \u00e0 l&rsquo;automne de 1917. Bien qu&rsquo;il y ait de nombreux d\u00e9bats sur ce qui s&rsquo;est pass\u00e9 avant et apr\u00e8s la r\u00e9volution bolchevique, cette session expliquera comment le pouvoir sovi\u00e9tique a fonctionn\u00e9 \u00e0 la base. Qu&rsquo;est-ce qui a chang\u00e9 pour les gens ordinaires? Les femmes ont imm\u00e9diatement obtenu des droits formels, l\u00e9gaux et de l&rsquo;\u00e9galit\u00e9, mais quelle diff\u00e9rence a \u00e9t\u00e9 faite dans leur vie quotidienne? Les nationalit\u00e9s opprim&#8230;<\/p>\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Todd Chretien, Haymarket Books (Oakland, \u00c9tats-Unis) <\/br>John Riddell, Independent Researcher (\u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br>Sherry Wolf, Rutgers University (New Jersey, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc61\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Ce qui a chang\u00e9 le 25 Octobre 1917 : le\u00e7ons du contr\u00f4le ouvrier au d\u00e9but de l&rsquo;Union Sovi\u00e9tique <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Ouvriers, soldats et paysans pauvres ont pris le pouvoir politique entre leurs mains \u00e0 l&rsquo;automne de 1917. Bien qu&rsquo;il y ait de nombreux d\u00e9bats sur ce qui s&rsquo;est pass\u00e9 avant et apr\u00e8s la r\u00e9volution bolchevique, cette session expliquera comment le pouvoir sovi\u00e9tique a fonctionn\u00e9 \u00e0 la base. Qu&rsquo;est-ce qui a chang\u00e9 pour les gens ordinaires? Les femmes ont imm\u00e9diatement obtenu des droits formels, l\u00e9gaux et de l&rsquo;\u00e9galit\u00e9, mais quelle diff\u00e9rence a \u00e9t\u00e9 faite dans leur vie quotidienne? Les nationalit\u00e9s opprim\u00e9es de l&rsquo;Azerba\u00efdjan \u00e0 la Pologne et le peuple juif dans tout l&#8217;empire ont gagn\u00e9 le droit \u00e0 l&rsquo;autod\u00e9termination, mais \u00e9tait-ce seulement de nom? Si beaucoup de gens savent quelque chose sur la fa\u00e7on dont la lib\u00e9ration sexuelle, l&rsquo;\u00e9ducation de masse et la d\u00e9mocratie sovi\u00e9tique ont prosp\u00e9r\u00e9 pendant un certain temps, cette session fournira des histoires sur ce que le socialisme ressemblait et ressentait pour les gens ordinaires. Questions bienvenues!<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p>Todd Chretien, Haymarket Books (Oakland, \u00c9tats-Unis) <\/br><\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>John Riddell, Independent Researcher (\u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Sherry Wolf, Rutgers University (New Jersey, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">R\u00e9examiner la post\u00e9rit\u00e9 politique et philosophique de la R\u00e9volution russe <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#c8a700; color:#000\">Histoire<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Dim 11:30 &#8211; SH-2120 &#8211; EN &#8211; Atelier introductif<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc62\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Jean Baillargeon, Independant Scholar (Toronto, Canada) <\/br>Kaveh Boveiri, Universit\u00e9 de Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Paul Gray, Brock University (St.Catharines, Canada)<\/br>Gabrielle Magro, York University (Toronto, Canada)<\/br>Niloofar Moazzami, Universit\u00e9 de Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc62\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">R\u00e9examiner la post\u00e9rit\u00e9 politique et philosophique de la R\u00e9volution russe <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5>Lenin, Democracy and Socialism<\/h5>\n<p>Jean Baillargeon, Independant Scholar (Toronto, Canada) <\/br><\/p>\n<p>In my presentation, I will assess some of the criticisms that have been levelled at Lenin and \u201cLeninism\u201d from the Left.  Many socialists, notably Emma Goldman and Rosa Luxemburg, were very critical of Lenin and the Bolsheviks for having created a centralized, authoritarian, and hierarchical political organization in the months and years following October 1917. My aim is to situate the authoritarian deviations of the Bolsheviks against the backdrop not only of the extraordinary challenges they faced after 1917, but also of Lenin\u2019s vision of democratic socialism prior to 1917. Lenin believed that democracy was in many ways the basis of socialism. He prioritized the need to secure the material conditions for democracy throughout Russia, including electrification (which he called \u201cthe foundation of democracy\u201d) and education. Lenin wished to foster a spirit of collective intelligence, what Toni Negri calls the \u201cgeneral intellect\u201d, as an integral part of political transformation. I conclude with thoughts on the contrast between Lenin\u2019s vision of democratic socialism and the excesses of the Revolution, and the practical questions regarding collective action that are part of Lenin\u2019s legacy.Hill, Christopher. Lenin and the Russian Revolution. Hodder and Stoughton for the English Universities Press. London. 1947.V.I. Lenin. Revolution at the Gates: A Selection of Writings from February to October 1917. Edited and with an introduction and afterword by Slavoj \u017di\u017eek. Verso. New York. 2002.Zizek, S., Budgen, S., Kouvelakis, S. (Eds.). Lenin reloaded : toward a politics of truth. Duke University Press. Durham. 2007.<\/p>\n<h5>The Legacy of the Russian Revolution and Totality<\/h5>\n<p>Kaveh Boveiri, Universit\u00e9 de Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>My presentation elaborates on the relationship between totality and revolution in the particular case of the Russian Revolution. It argues for the standpoint of the open, objective totality, as one distinctive characteristic of this revolution. In so arguing, it is different not only from the standpoints that deny totality, from the ones that deny objectivity, but also from the standpoint that argues for a closed totality. The cardinal slogans of this revolution, namely, \u2018\u2018Peace, Bread, Land\u2019\u2019 and \u2018\u2018All Power to the Soviets\u2019\u2019 are shown to be the manifestations of such a totality.<\/p>\n<h5>Ethics, Politics and Post-Capitalism<\/h5>\n<p>Paul Gray, Brock University (St.Catharines, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>What is the relation between ethics and politics? In part, they seem to be at one and the same time overlapping and antagonistic ways of regulating human society. Lenin, in The State and Revolution, follows Marx and Engels in regarding politics as inextricably wrapped up in the state. Therefore, if the state is to wither away under socialism, so too would politics. In this case, ethics would again become the sole way of regulating society. Indeed, it can be argued that ethics is most important for any worldview that envisions an end to politics and the state. And yet, socialist thought, including Lenin\u2019s, has tended to neglect ethics in comparison to other worldviews that, because they believe in the permanence of the political, would seem to be less dependent on ethics. In this essay, I draw out some of the destructive legacies of this neglect.<\/p>\n<h5>Was The Soviet Union Post-Capitalist?<\/h5>\n<p>Gabrielle Magro, York University (Toronto, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>What does it mean to raise the question of whether the Soviet Union was post-capitalist? What, that is, does it mean to make the claim that societies vary in kind, by form, by logic? Especially in light of value-form theory (which begins, I take it, with Marx), are those who would refer to the Soviet experiment as \u00ab\u00a0state capitalism\u00a0\u00bb justified? If so, how are we to properly conceptualize and understand the Soviet failure to overcome the logic of capitalism?<\/p>\n<h5>October 1917 as Social Revolution<\/h5>\n<p>Niloofar Moazzami, Universit\u00e9 de Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>In the wake of the Russian Revolution in 1917 and the weakness of Provisional Government, the Bolsheviks won the election by using tactics such as \u201cconstant critical propaganda directed at industrial workers and at garrison and front-line troops, driven along with the wave of spontaneous popular rebellions, calling for peace, land, bread, workers\u2019 control and all power to the soviets\u201d.  Skocpol (1979)I will discuss the subject of social revolution as elaborated upon by Skocpol (1979) as one of the forces for change in modern societies, with special emphasis on the distinctive pattern of sociopolitical change. According to Skocpol, social revolutions are rapid, with basic transformations of the state and class structures, and they are mostly carried out by class-based revolts from below. They form a combination of social structural change with class upheaval on the one hand and political transformation on the other hand. I will discuss the Bolsheviks\u2019 revolution as a social revolution and not only a political revolution (which is the transformation of state structures without social structural transformation following class conflict). I will shed light on this standpoint with reference to Tilly\u2019s (1978) point of view on revolution.    Skocpol, Theda. State and Social revolutions-a comparative analyses of France, Russia and china. Cambridge university press. Cambridge. 1979. 407p.Tilly, Charles. From Mobilization to Revolution. Random house. New York. 1979. 349p.  <\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">L&rsquo;activisme transnational et l&rsquo;Internationale Communiste <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#c8a700; color:#000\">Histoire<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Dim 11:30 &#8211; SH-2580 &#8211; FR &#8211; Atelier avanc\u00e9<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc146\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">L&rsquo;AURORE DE NOTRE LIB\u00c9RATION : Le panafricanisme, l&rsquo;anticolonialisme, et le f\u00e9minisme aux lendemains de la r\u00e9volution russe.  L&rsquo;Internationale communiste (1919-1943) se vantait d&rsquo;une structure centralis\u00e9e et de la direction des campagnes depuis son quartier g\u00e9n\u00e9ral \u00e0 Moscou. Pourtant, les efforts de l&rsquo;Internationale dans les domaines de travail \u00abp\u00e9riph\u00e9riques\u00bb ont \u00e9t\u00e9 caract\u00e9ris\u00e9s par l&rsquo;initiative locale et la synergie transnationale.<\/p>\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">John Riddell, Historien du socialisme : Unit\u00e9 contre le colonialisme et La Ligue contre l&rsquo;imp\u00e9rialisme 1927-36. (Toronto, Canada) <\/br>Ameth Lo, Groupe de recherche et d&rsquo;initiative pour la lib\u00e9ration d&rsquo;Afrique: La Longue Marche vers une transition post-capitaliste: Perspectives panafricanistes. (Toronto, Canada)<\/br>Daria Dyakonova, Universit\u00e9 de Montr\u00e9al: \u00ab Le communisme est impensable sans la lib\u00e9ration des femmes \u00bb: Le Mouvement communiste international des femmes 1921-26. (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Animation: Aziz Fall<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc146\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">L&rsquo;activisme transnational et l&rsquo;Internationale Communiste <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>L&rsquo;AURORE DE NOTRE LIB\u00c9RATION : Le panafricanisme, l&rsquo;anticolonialisme, et le f\u00e9minisme aux lendemains de la r\u00e9volution russe.  L&rsquo;Internationale communiste (1919-1943) se vantait d&rsquo;une structure centralis\u00e9e et de la direction des campagnes depuis son quartier g\u00e9n\u00e9ral \u00e0 Moscou. Pourtant, les efforts de l&rsquo;Internationale dans les domaines de travail \u00abp\u00e9riph\u00e9riques\u00bb ont \u00e9t\u00e9 caract\u00e9ris\u00e9s par l&rsquo;initiative locale et la synergie transnationale.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p>John Riddell, Historien du socialisme : Unit\u00e9 contre le colonialisme et La Ligue contre l&rsquo;imp\u00e9rialisme 1927-36. (Toronto, Canada) <\/br><\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Ameth Lo, Groupe de recherche et d&rsquo;initiative pour la lib\u00e9ration d&rsquo;Afrique: La Longue Marche vers une transition post-capitaliste: Perspectives panafricanistes. (Toronto, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Daria Dyakonova, Universit\u00e9 de Montr\u00e9al: \u00ab Le communisme est impensable sans la lib\u00e9ration des femmes \u00bb: Le Mouvement communiste international des femmes 1921-26. (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<p>Animation: Aziz Fall<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"row themeprogback\" style=\"background-image: url(https:\/\/thegreattransition.net\/wp-content\/uploads\/2018\/02\/autogestion.jpg)\" id=\"5\">\n<div class=\"themetitle\" style=\"background-color: #9baeff;\">\n<h4 class=\"themefont\" style=\"color: #000;\">\u00c9conomie \u00e9mancipatrice<\/h4>\n<\/p><\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"row horaireback\">\n<div class=\"col-sm-2 col-xs-5\">                            <\/div>\n<div class=\"col-sm-10 col-xs-12\">\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Recadrage et (r\u00e9)appropriation des pratiques mon\u00e9taires et financi\u00e8res <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#9baeff; color:#000\">\u00c9conomie \u00e9mancipatrice<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Ven 14:00 &#8211; SH-3420 &#8211; EN\/FR(Traduction disponible) &#8211; Atelier avanc\u00e9<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc87\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Shannon Ikebe, UC Berkeley (Berkeley, CA, \u00c9tats-Unis) <\/br>Jes\u00fas Suaste , Benem\u00e9rita Universidad Aut\u00f3noma de Puebla (Puebla, Mexique)<\/br>Caroline- Shenaz Hossein, York University (Toronto, Canada)<\/br>Maymun Abukar, York University (Toronto, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc87\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Recadrage et (r\u00e9)appropriation des pratiques mon\u00e9taires et financi\u00e8res <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5>A Social Democratic Path to Socialism? Worker-Controlled Capital in Sweden and Qu\u00e9bec<\/h5>\n<p>Shannon Ikebe, UC Berkeley (Berkeley, CA, \u00c9tats-Unis) <\/br><\/p>\n<p>A revolutionary path to socialism in the West envisioned by Marx was decisively defeated in 1917-23; what were the prospects of transition to socialism in its aftermath? Was there any prospect of a transition to socialism from advanced capitalism? I examine the rise and fall of the Wage-Earner Funds (l\u00f6ntagarfonder) proposal in Sweden in the 1970s, which was among the most plausible path to socialism from advanced capitalism. Proposed by radicalized unions in 1975, the Wage-Earner Funds sought gradual socialization of the whole economy through continuous annual transfer of a portion of corporate profits to unions. Based on an analysis of political struggles within the labor movement over the Wage-Earner Funds, I posit that social democratic dominance of the postwar era had contradictory effects upon working class politics. The characteristic features of Fordist-Keynesianism, including full employment and centralized unions with high density, furnished the bases for the socialist Funds to emerge. In particular, peak-level bargaining politicized the economic to a great degree, enabling the union confederation (LO) to adopt a national, macroeconomic perspective rather than typical sectoral perspectives. However, it is also the structural features of Fordist social democracy \u2013 centralization and disempowering of the grassroots &#8211; that constrained the militant mobilizations by the labor movement, which eventually doomed the transformative form of Wage-Earner Funds proposal to defeat by the early 1980s. The Swedish case also sheds a light on the politics and possibilities of the union funds in Qu\u00e9bec (the FTQ Solidarity Funds and the CSN Fondaction), as a more limited yet actually-existing form of worker-controlled capital, even if the prospect of actual socialist transition through these Qu\u00e9b\u00e9cois funds was hardly on the agenda; to what extent, and under what circumstances, can worker-controlled capital pose a threat to bourgeois hegemony, or on the other hand, reinforce it?<\/p>\n<h5>Debtors of the world unite<\/h5>\n<p>Jes\u00fas Suaste , Benem\u00e9rita Universidad Aut\u00f3noma de Puebla (Puebla, Mexique)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Where do we stand on the issue of \u2018financial power\u2019? Have anti-capitalist groups around the world developed an alternative to the current financial system? What might a \u2018general strike\u2019 against money and finance look like? More broadly: is there a financial scheme, a banking model, a monetary policy, or a credit system that we could distinctly identify as anti- or post-capitalist?The wide variety of social conflicts that emerge from the financial activities \u2013 involving debt, inflation, the capitalist control over credit and issuance of money, fiscal paradises, flight of capitals, among others \u2013 seems to point to the same underlying problem: the vulnerability of the community to the power embedded in the private control over the means of production and circulation of money, credit and debt. The underlying premise of this proposal is that a post-capitalist project will remain incomplete and unfeasible as long as it does not address the question of how to reorganize this field. My presentation will offer: a) an overview of the ideas and projects attempting to design an alternative to the dominant financial system (focusing on those that emerged after the 2008 financial crisis); b) an assessment of the advantages and limitations of these ideas and projects. This discussion should lead us to the broader question of how a community could build a democratic model for the administration of the financial technologies and institutions. <\/p>\n<h5>Financial innovation among Black, Muslim Canadian women:  A case study on mutual aid and banking cooperatives in the Somali community in Toronto, Canada<\/h5>\n<p>Caroline- Shenaz Hossein, York University (Toronto, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>The 1920s Antigonish movement in Nova Scotia, Canada was about social change brought by ordinary people at \u2018kitchen tables\u2019 to discuss the way business was conducted so as to uplift the lives of people. The Antigonish story is inspiring. So too is the collective organizing by hundreds of Somali-Canadian women in the late 1980s ,who gather around \u2018kitchen tables\u2019 to promote self-help among excluded Black Muslim Canadian women. For at least three decades, Somali-Canadians make spaces for people to collectively organize and to innovate in cooperative banking systems. The new form of cooperative banking is called: Ayuuto.  For the past thirty years, Ayuuto rooted in peer-to-peer banking helps in order for Somali-Canadian women to present a positive view of Somalis and to counteract financial exclusion. Ayuuto fills the gaps of the underbanked and unbanked in Toronto. In spite of the business and social exclusion in society, Somali-Canadian women do not wait on handouts rather they form mutual aid groups. Interviews were carried with 71 subjects across the city of Toronto, Canada to learn about Ayuuto, a financial innovation taking place. Ayuuto exists as a response to the intense forms of exclusion because of people\u2019s intersecting identities of race, class, faith and gender in Canadian society and business. <\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Maymun Abukar, York University (Toronto, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>&#8211;<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">L&rsquo;\u00e9conomie sociale d&rsquo;hier \u00e0 aujourd&rsquo;hui: du socialisme \u00e0 l&rsquo;anarchisme? <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#9baeff; color:#000\">\u00c9conomie \u00e9mancipatrice<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Sam 9:30 &#8211; SH-2560 &#8211; FR &#8211; Atelier introductif<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc53\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Jessica Cabana, Hive Caf\u00e9 (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Anna Kruzynski, Universit\u00e9 Concordia (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Jean-Marc Fontan, Universit\u00e9 du Qu\u00e9bec \u00e0 Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Juan-Luis Klein, Universit\u00e9 du Qu\u00e9bec \u00e0 Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Animation: Nesrine Bessa\u00efh<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc53\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">L&rsquo;\u00e9conomie sociale d&rsquo;hier \u00e0 aujourd&rsquo;hui: du socialisme \u00e0 l&rsquo;anarchisme? <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5>L&rsquo;\u00e9conomie sociale d\u2019hier \u00e0 aujourd\u2019hui: du socialisme \u00e0 l\u2019anarchisme?<\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<p>Cette activit\u00e9 se veut un dialogue interg\u00e9n\u00e9rationnel sur l\u2019\u00e9conomie sociale\/les alternatives \u00e9conomiques au Qu\u00e9bec, d\u2019hier \u00e0 aujourd\u2019hui. Issu\u00b7e\u00b7s de g\u00e9n\u00e9rations politiques diff\u00e9rentes et d\u2019horizons culturels h\u00e9t\u00e9rog\u00e8nes, les quatre pan\u00e9listes illustreront \u00e0 travers leurs trajectoires des affiliations ou r\u00e9f\u00e9rents id\u00e9ologiques \u00e0 la fois convergents et divergents. Les pr\u00e9sentations se feront en deux temps. Premi\u00e8rement, un survol individuel d\u2019une dizaine de minutes par personne. Un questionnement commun servira de fil rouge aux pr\u00e9sentations : quel contexte? quelle(s) vision(s) de l\u2019\u00e9conomie sociale ou d\u2019alternative \u00e9conomiques avaient\/ont les socialistes ou les anarchistes\/anti-autoritaires ? Quelles \u00e9taient\/sont les activit\u00e9s de ces militant\u00b7e\u00b7s ? Quels sont les d\u00e9fis ? Quelles apprentissages peut-on en tirer ?Deuxi\u00e8mement, un \u00e9change, anim\u00e9 par Nesrine Bessa\u00efh, permettra de pousser un peu plus loin certains des \u00e9l\u00e9ments pr\u00e9sent\u00e9s dans les trajectoires\/t\u00e9moignages et de mettre en relief des \u00e9l\u00e9ments de convergence, de divergence et d\u2019apprentissages. <\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<p>T\u00e9moignages d\u2019Anna Kruzynski et de Jessica Cabana: de la g\u00e9n\u00e9ration anti-autoritaire\/anarchiste qui \u00e9merge \u00e0 la fin des ann\u00e9es 1990. Deux micro-cohortes qui passent de la rue aux alternatives seront analys\u00e9es. Celle qui \u00e9merge des luttes altermondialistes post-2001 et qui conteste l\u2019\u00e9conomie sociale en pleine institutionnalisation (ex. Initiatives regroup\u00e9es lors de Sortir du Capitalisme) et celle qui na\u00eet dans la foul\u00e9e de la gr\u00e8ve de 2012 et qui s\u2019impose rapidement dans un contexte mouvant mais plein de possibles, celle de l\u2019innovation sociale \u00e0 l\u2019\u00e8re du 2.0 (ex. Initiatives r\u00e9unies lors de Transformer Montr\u00e9al).<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Jessica Cabana, Hive Caf\u00e9 (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Anna Kruzynski, Universit\u00e9 Concordia (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>T\u00e9moignages de Juan-Luis Klein et Jean-Marc Fontan : de la g\u00e9n\u00e9ration de l\u2019engagement social (d\u00e9cennie 1960), qui a transit\u00e9 par le militantisme universitaire (d\u00e9cennie 1970), pour conduire \u00e0 l\u2019intellectualisme critique engag\u00e9 (\u00e0 partir des ann\u00e9es 1980). Les deux chercheurs partageront des \u00e9l\u00e9ments synth\u00e8se de ces grandes p\u00e9riodes.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Jean-Marc Fontan, Universit\u00e9 du Qu\u00e9bec \u00e0 Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Juan-Luis Klein, Universit\u00e9 du Qu\u00e9bec \u00e0 Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<p>Animation: Nesrine Bessa\u00efh<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Entreprises et organisations profond\u00e9ment d\u00e9mocratiques <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#9baeff; color:#000\">\u00c9conomie \u00e9mancipatrice<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Sam 9:30 &#8211; SH-2140 &#8211; FR &#8211; Atelier introductif<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc56\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Mathieu Roy, Universit\u00e9 Concordia\/R\u00e9seau Koumbit (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Guillaume !, R\u00e9seau Koumbit (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Yves-Marie Abraham, HEC Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc56\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Entreprises et organisations profond\u00e9ment d\u00e9mocratiques <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5>Les pratiques de travail non-hi\u00e9rarchiques dans des entreprises collectives: Quelles perspectives pour une transformation sociale anticapitaliste?<\/h5>\n<p>Mathieu Roy, Universit\u00e9 Concordia\/R\u00e9seau Koumbit (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Face aux diff\u00e9rentes crises qui nous affectent et qui renforcent les in\u00e9galit\u00e9s et les injustices, et qui restreignent nos libert\u00e9s, il devient essentiel de se mobiliser pour initier le changement et affronter les jalons du syst\u00e8me capitaliste destructeur. Malgr\u00e9 tout, la n\u00e9cessit\u00e9 de r\u00e9pondre \u00e0 nos besoins essentiels am\u00e8ne les classes populaires \u00e0 se confiner dans le march\u00e9 du travail afin d\u2019obtenir de quoi payer les factures et restreint la capacit\u00e9 de mobilisation n\u00e9cessaire \u00e0 la transformation sociale qui mettra fin \u00e0 la domination du syst\u00e8me capitaliste. Comment alors se sortir du cloisonnement du travail quotidien qui nous r\u00e9duit \u00e0 la simple expression de \u00ab\u00a0consommatrices\/teurs\u00a0\u00bb? D\u00e9coulant d\u2019une collaboration relative \u00e0 un projet de recherche sur l\u2019impact des pratiques de travail non-hi\u00e9rarchiques au sein de deux entreprises collectives actives sur le territoire connu sous le nom de \u00ab\u00a0Qu\u00e9bec\u00a0\u00bb, R\u00e9seau Koumbit et la Ferme Coop\u00e9rative aux Champs qui Chantent, la pr\u00e9sentation que nous proposons visera \u00e0 approfondir deux \u00e9l\u00e9ments qui contribueront aux r\u00e9flexions du sous-th\u00e8me Alternatives \u00c9conomiques et \u00c9mancipation du th\u00e8me Strat\u00e9gies de Transition de la conf\u00e9rence La Grande Transition. Regroupant une membre du collectif de travail de R\u00e9seau Koumbit, Mari Deckers, et un \u00e9tudiant \u00e0 la ma\u00eetrise au programme individualis\u00e9 de l\u2019Universit\u00e9 Concordia, Mathieu Roy, le duo de pr\u00e9sentatrices\/teurs aborderont les deux \u00e9l\u00e9ments suivant\u00a0: 1) Les pratiques de travail non-hi\u00e9rarchiques pour transformer et lib\u00e9rer le quotidien (par Mathieu Roy); et 2) L&rsquo;autogestion et l&rsquo;\u00e9limination de la hi\u00e9rarchie au travail pour soutenir les efforts d&rsquo;une transformation sociale anticapitaliste (par Mari Deckers). La pr\u00e9sentation prendra la forme d\u2019un groupe de discussion o\u00f9 les deux personnes pr\u00e9sentatrices initieront les \u00e9changes autour de leurs \u00e9l\u00e9ments respectifs \u00e0 partir d\u2019exp\u00e9riences concr\u00e8tes et d\u2019observations au sein des deux entreprises collectives faisant l\u2019objet du projet de recherche de l\u2019\u00e9tudiant co-pr\u00e9sentateur. <\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Guillaume !, R\u00e9seau Koumbit (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5>Les pi\u00e8ges de l'\u00a0\u00bbinnovation sociale\u00a0\u00bb<\/h5>\n<p>Yves-Marie Abraham, HEC Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>L\u2019innovation sociale est \u00e0 la mode, aussi bien dans le milieu des affaires, que dans le \u00ab tiers secteur \u00bb ou chez certains militants \u00ab de gauche \u00bb. Ses partisans les plus enthousiastes y voient une mani\u00e8re efficace de faire face aux difficult\u00e9s que connaissent nos soci\u00e9t\u00e9 sur le plan social, \u00e9cologique et politique, mais aussi un moyen de transformer ces soci\u00e9t\u00e9s en profondeur et en douceur pour les rendre plus justes, plus soutenables et moins ali\u00e9nantes. Nous soulignerons tout d\u2019abord que cette \u00ab solution \u00bb \u00e9merge dans le contexte du passage de l\u2019\u00c9tat-providence \u00e0 l\u2019\u00ab Entreprise-providence \u00bb. Pour les initiatives priv\u00e9es (entreprises, coop\u00e9ratives, OBNL\u2026) que d\u00e9signent la notion d\u2019innovation sociale, il s\u2019agit le plus souvent de prendre en charge la production de biens et de services que les \u00c9tats occidentaux assumaient jusque-l\u00e0 ou auraient pu assumer.Il s\u2019est constitu\u00e9 ainsi au cours des trois derni\u00e8res d\u00e9cennies un nouveau \u00ab champ \u00bb (Bourdieu) dans lequel ces initiatives m\u00e8nent une lutte pour l\u2019accumulation d\u2019un capital symbolique sp\u00e9cifique, que nous nommons \u00ab capital de bienfaisance \u00bb et qui repr\u00e9sente la condition de leur survie ou de leur croissance. La mati\u00e8re premi\u00e8re de ce processus d\u2019accumulation est le \u00ab malheur d\u2019autrui \u00bb.Loin de constituer un espace de transformation de nos soci\u00e9t\u00e9s, ce champ fait surtout office de b\u00e9quille pour l\u2019\u00c9tat social et offre un alibi moral au capitalisme avanc\u00e9. C\u2019est aussi le lieu d\u2019exploitation privil\u00e9gi\u00e9 d\u2019une force de travail tr\u00e8s scolaris\u00e9e et pr\u00e9dispos\u00e9e \u00e0 se sacrifier pour les grandes causes de l\u2019heure (justice sociale, protection de l\u2019environnement, participation citoyenne,\u2026). Ces acteurs de \u00ab l\u2019innovation sociale \u00bb risquent ainsi de n\u2019\u00eatre que les \u00ab idiots utiles \u00bb d\u2019un syst\u00e8me qu\u2019ils pr\u00e9tendent vouloir changer.  Toutefois, sur les marges de ce champ, certaines initiatives pr\u00e9sentent un potentiel de transformation et d\u2019\u00e9mancipation int\u00e9ressant, \u00e0 condition d\u2019\u00eatre associ\u00e9es \u00e0 d\u2019autres formes d\u2019action politique.     <\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">R\u00e9surgence \u00e9conomique dans les communaut\u00e9s autochtones <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#9baeff; color:#000\">\u00c9conomie \u00e9mancipatrice<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Sam 11:30 &#8211; SH-2800 &#8211; EN\/FR(Traduction disponible) &#8211; Atelier introductif<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc18\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">This activity brings together engaged-scholars of Indigenous resistance and resurgence. It is a dialogue on resistance to what Taiaia:ke Alfred refers to as \u201ccolonial capitalism\u201d and on resurgence in the form of alternatives rooted in both traditional Indigenous and settler-social economic practices. Karine Awashish (Opitciwan community, Atikamek Nation) will share her insights on collective economic initiatives in the Nitaskinan and on the challenges of community economic development in First N&#8230;<\/p>\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Karine Awashish, Coop Nitaskinan et Commission de d\u00e9veloppement \u00e9conomique des Premi\u00e8res Nations du Qu\u00e9bec et du Labrador (CDEPNQL) (Shawinigan, Canada) <\/br>Kam\u2019ayaam\/Chachim\u2019multhnii (Cliff Atleo, Jr.), Simon Fraser University (Burnaby, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Animation: Anna Kruzynski<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc18\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">R\u00e9surgence \u00e9conomique dans les communaut\u00e9s autochtones <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>This activity brings together engaged-scholars of Indigenous resistance and resurgence. It is a dialogue on resistance to what Taiaia:ke Alfred refers to as \u201ccolonial capitalism\u201d and on resurgence in the form of alternatives rooted in both traditional Indigenous and settler-social economic practices. Karine Awashish (Opitciwan community, Atikamek Nation) will share her insights on collective economic initiatives in the Nitaskinan and on the challenges of community economic development in First Nations territories. Kam\u2019ayaam\/Chachim\u2019multhnii (Cliff Atleo, Jr., Tsimshian (Kitsumkalum\/Kitselas) and Nuu-chah-nulth (Ahousaht)) will discuss the complexities of economic resurgence in Nuu-chah-nulth communities. He will explore how these communities navigate\/adopt\/resist mainstream capitalism while working to sustain their unique cultural identities, practices and worldviews. David Newhouse (Onondaga, Six Nations of the Grand River community) will then talk about the challenge of indigenous economic development in the shadow of the borg (of capitalism). He will explore the complexities of finding\/creating\/retaining space within\/beyond capitalism given its incredible flexibility and its tendency to absorb \u201calternatives\u201d without weakening its core.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p>Karine Awashish, Coop Nitaskinan et Commission de d\u00e9veloppement \u00e9conomique des Premi\u00e8res Nations du Qu\u00e9bec et du Labrador (CDEPNQL) (Shawinigan, Canada) <\/br><\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Kam\u2019ayaam\/Chachim\u2019multhnii (Cliff Atleo, Jr.), Simon Fraser University (Burnaby, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<p>Animation: Anna Kruzynski<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Penser les transitions agricoles et alimentaires <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#9baeff; color:#000\">\u00c9conomie \u00e9mancipatrice<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Sam 11:30 &#8211; SH-2620 &#8211; EN\/FR(Traduction disponible) &#8211; Atelier introductif<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc70\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Serge-Olivier Rondeau, Universit\u00e9 de Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada) <\/br>S\u00e9bastien Rioux, Universit\u00e9 de Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Sam Bliss, University of  Vermont (Burlington, VT, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br>Fran\u00e7ois Desjardins, Universit\u00e9 Laval (Qu\u00e9bec, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc70\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Penser les transitions agricoles et alimentaires <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5>Les exp\u00e9riences pass\u00e9es en agriculture urbaine pour penser l\u2019\u00e9conomie et l\u2019agriculture de demain <\/h5>\n<p>Serge-Olivier Rondeau, Universit\u00e9 de Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada) <\/br><\/p>\n<p>\u00c0 l\u2019aube de la r\u00e9volution industrielle \u00e0 Montr\u00e9al au XIXe si\u00e8cle, les populations des campagnes avoisinantes immigrent massivement vers la ville pour y trouver de l\u2019emploi dans les manufactures encore naissantes. Les savoirs de ces personnes en agriculture vont leur permettre d\u2019\u00e9lever des animaux et de faire des jardins dans l\u2019agglom\u00e9ration pour assurer leur autonomie alimentaire et celle de leur famille dans une p\u00e9riode o\u00f9 les salaires insuffisants les plongent dans une extr\u00eame pr\u00e9carit\u00e9. Toutefois, la densification du cadre b\u00e2ti, la mani\u00e8re de lotir l\u2019espace ainsi que la r\u00e8glementation municipale au cours de la seconde moiti\u00e9 du XIXe si\u00e8cle vont tous concourir \u00e0 \u00e9liminer ces pratiques agricoles du territoire montr\u00e9alais et contribuer \u00e0 soumettre enti\u00e8rement la majeure partie des citadin-e-s au travail salari\u00e9 pour l\u2019acquisition de denr\u00e9es alimentaires (Castonguay, 2012\u2009; Bradbury, 1984). Dans cette communication, je propose de retracer les arguments qui ont men\u00e9 \u00e0 l\u2019adoption des r\u00e8glements qui interdisent, pour la premi\u00e8re fois de l\u2019histoire de Montr\u00e9al, une pratique d\u2019\u00e9levage sur son territoire, celle du cochon. Par le biais de ces derniers, je voudrais montrer certaines formes d\u2019organisations sociales qui \u00e9taient li\u00e9es de pr\u00e8s \u00e0 des pratiques agricoles en milieu urbain. Les mani\u00e8res de vivre de cette \u00e9poque pourront peut-\u00eatre permettre d\u2019imaginer d\u2019une part, des fa\u00e7ons diff\u00e9rentes de s\u2019alimenter qu\u2019il serait possible de mettre en \u0153uvre dans une \u00e9conomie post-capitaliste et post-carbone et d\u2019autre part, une agriculture o\u00f9 l\u2019\u00ab\u2009\u00e9cart m\u00e9tabolique\u2009\u00bb \u00e0 l\u2019origine de la crise \u00e9cologique sous le capitalisme dont parle Marx (1981) est dor\u00e9navant combl\u00e9. <\/p>\n<h5>L\u2019alimentation comme levier d\u2019\u00e9mancipation<\/h5>\n<p>S\u00e9bastien Rioux, Universit\u00e9 de Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Cette pr\u00e9sentation se veut une r\u00e9flexion critique sur le r\u00f4le de l\u2019alimentation dans l\u2019\u00e9conomie politique du capitalisme. Depuis les ann\u00e9es 1950, l\u2019agriculture productiviste et le secteur de la transformation alimentaire ont \u00e9t\u00e9 de plus en plus sollicit\u00e9s afin de gommer les contradictions profondes du mode de production capitaliste, notamment \u00e0 travers leur capacit\u00e9 \u00e0 r\u00e9duire le co\u00fbt de la force de travail en tant que marchandise. Cette pr\u00e9sentation soutient l\u2019id\u00e9e que l\u2019\u00e9conomie politique de l\u2019alimentation offre non seulement une avenue permettant d\u2019appr\u00e9hender le pouvoir destructeur du capitalisme en tant que syst\u00e8me d\u2019organisation sociale, mais \u00e9galement la possibilit\u00e9 de r\u00e9fl\u00e9chir au potentiel \u00e9mancipateur de l\u2019alimentation en tant que vecteur privil\u00e9gi\u00e9 de transformation des pratiques et relations sociales.<\/p>\n<h5>Decommodifying food<\/h5>\n<p>Sam Bliss, University of  Vermont (Burlington, VT, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Commodity farmers receive the market prices of foods, and thus make profit by maximizing production and minimizing costs. Markets systematically allocate commodity food to those willing and able to pay the market price. Agri-food systems cover 40 percent of Earth\u2019s ice-free land, release about a quarter of anthropogenic greenhouse gas emissions, slurp up two-thirds of all freshwater withdrawals, and threaten biodiversity more than any other human activity. One in ten people are chronically undernourished, yet about 70 percent of plant calories produced in the world become livestock feed, biofuels, industrial materials, and waste instead of food for humans. Scholars and policy makers tend to suggest fixing food markets so that they feed hungry people first and reward ecologically sound agricultural practices. Such market-based solutions require massive wealth redistribution and commodifying the environment.Another option is to create non-market systems for producing, distributing, and purchasing food. Centralized, state-based food systems could in principle feed everyone and encourage ecological agriculture, but would likely prove anti-democratic and susceptible to regime change. Little evidence beyond rhetoric suggests that powerful actors want to feed all humans or end environmentally destructive agriculture. Under what conditions might local, self-organized, participatory agri-food systems emerge? What actors and groups are already decommodifying food in industrialized capitalist societies? How can these practices spread?<\/p>\n<h5>Vers une red\u00e9finition des espaces ruraux: la paysannerie comme  source de transition<\/h5>\n<p>Fran\u00e7ois Desjardins, Universit\u00e9 Laval (Qu\u00e9bec, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Cette communication vise \u00e0 exposer les diff\u00e9rentes motivations et id\u00e9es qui m\u00e8nent \u00e0 une reterritorialisation de l\u2019\u00e9conomie rurale et comment celle-ci participe \u00e0 la mise en place d\u2019une transition post-capitaliste.Si les diff\u00e9rents plans de d\u00e9veloppement institutionnels et priv\u00e9s dans le monde rural ne con\u00e7oivent l\u2019espace qu\u2019autour d\u2019une croissance \u00e9conomique bas\u00e9e sur un mod\u00e8le extractif, de multiples initiatives visent plut\u00f4t une r\u00e9appropriation du territoire. Dans un contexte n\u00e9o-lib\u00e9ral, le syst\u00e8me alimentaire conventionnel int\u00e8gre l\u2019alimentation dans des flux mondialis\u00e9s et dans des dynamiques de d\u00e9localisation et de relocalisation. Face \u00e0 cette situation, et sous la forme d\u2019une contre-tendance, une multitude d\u2019alternatives ont vu le jour. Les march\u00e9s publics, l\u2019agriculture soutenue par la communaut\u00e9 ou encore la r\u00e9introduction de circuits courts constituent en ce sens des initiatives construites sur une vision \u00e0 long terme soucieuse des impacts environnementaux mais \u00e9galement du bien-\u00eatre de chacun des acteurs de la cha\u00eene alimentaire. En effet, face \u00e0 l\u2019incapacit\u00e9 du syst\u00e8me \u00e0 revitaliser les milieux ruraux, plusieurs actrices et acteurs revisitent la notion de paysannerie et s\u2019organisent comme mouvement de r\u00e9sistance et de transformation. Ces alternatives visent notamment \u00e0 se r\u00e9approprier l\u2019espace et faire du territoire un enjeu collectif pour la transformation des communaut\u00e9s. Pouvant \u00eatre associ\u00e9e \u00e0 une repr\u00e9sentation du territoire comme un milieu de vie et un ancrage socio-\u00e9conomique, la reterritorialisation est d\u2019ailleurs l\u2019une des cl\u00e9s d\u2019\u00e9mancipation utilis\u00e9es pour favoriser la coh\u00e9sion sociale, le respect de la biodiversit\u00e9 et une vision de d\u00e9veloppement p\u00e9renne et durable. Par la cr\u00e9ation de nouveaux espaces collectifs, des modes d\u2019\u00e9change et de production orient\u00e9s vers les communs, elles et ils cr\u00e9ent des pratiques innovantes pouvant participer \u00e0 un changement profond, tant au niveau \u00e9conomique que social.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Initiatives inspirantes <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#9baeff; color:#000\">\u00c9conomie \u00e9mancipatrice<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Sam 14:00 &#8211; SH-2140 &#8211; FR &#8211; Atelier introductif<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc96\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">La coop\u00e9rative \u00e0 notre mesure a \u00e9t\u00e9 mise sur pieds (!!!) parce que nous croyons qu\u2019il est plus que jamais imp\u00e9ratif de d\u00e9montrer que la\u00a0fabrication \u00e9cologique et locale de biens, soit la confection de souliers dans le cas pr\u00e9sent, est possible dans une perspective de renforcement de l\u2019autonomie et de la r\u00e9silience de nos communaut\u00e9s.\u00a0Il va s\u2019en dire que cette initiative s\u2019inscrit par le fait m\u00eame au sein d\u2019une alternative au capitalisme tout en mettant de l\u2019avant une nouvelle forme d\u2019organisatio&#8230;<\/p>\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">David LeBrasseur, Coop\u00e9rative \u00e0 notre mesure (Montr\u00e9al, Canada) <\/br>Sophie Riendeau, Coop\u00e9rative \u00e0 notre mesure (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>David Lapierre, Coop\u00e9rative \u00e0 notre mesure (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Martin Zibeau, Horizons Gasp\u00e9siens (Saint-Sim\u00e9on, Canada)<\/br>Ian Segers, VIRAGE, UQ\u00c0C (Chicoutimi, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc96\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Initiatives inspirantes <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>La coop\u00e9rative \u00e0 notre mesure a \u00e9t\u00e9 mise sur pieds (!!!) parce que nous croyons qu\u2019il est plus que jamais imp\u00e9ratif de d\u00e9montrer que la\u00a0fabrication \u00e9cologique et locale de biens, soit la confection de souliers dans le cas pr\u00e9sent, est possible dans une perspective de renforcement de l\u2019autonomie et de la r\u00e9silience de nos communaut\u00e9s.\u00a0Il va s\u2019en dire que cette initiative s\u2019inscrit par le fait m\u00eame au sein d\u2019une alternative au capitalisme tout en mettant de l\u2019avant une nouvelle forme d\u2019organisation autog\u00e9r\u00e9e faisant partie int\u00e9grante de sa communaut\u00e9.\u00a0D&rsquo;autre part, il est primordial pour nous de partager ouvertement notre exp\u00e9rience et nos outils afin d&rsquo;aider \u00e0 la r\u00e9alisation de d\u2019autres initiatives allant dans la m\u00eame direction. Nous serions donc honor\u00e9.e.s de pouvoir partager notre parcours, nos outils ainsi que les d\u00e9fis auxquels nous avons d\u00fb faire face vu la nature du projet et ce, sous la forme d\u2019une pr\u00e9sentation\/discussion conviviale. De plus, la coop\u00e9rative aura d\u00e9marr\u00e9 ses activit\u00e9s depuis le mois de janvier 2017 au moment de l&rsquo;\u00e9v\u00e9nement, ce qui est id\u00e9al de notre c\u00f4t\u00e9.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p>David LeBrasseur, Coop\u00e9rative \u00e0 notre mesure (Montr\u00e9al, Canada) <\/br><\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Sophie Riendeau, Coop\u00e9rative \u00e0 notre mesure (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>David Lapierre, Coop\u00e9rative \u00e0 notre mesure (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5>S&rsquo;organiser au lieu de se faire organiser<\/h5>\n<p>Martin Zibeau, Horizons Gasp\u00e9siens (Saint-Sim\u00e9on, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Comment une communaut\u00e9 d&rsquo;individus peut-elle esp\u00e9rer reprendre une part de contr\u00f4le sur son \u00e9conomie, sans pour autant \u00eatre \u00ab\u00a0contr\u00f4lante\u00a0\u00bb \u00e0 son tour?En Gasp\u00e9sie, quelques exemples concrets sur le terrain sont en cours d&rsquo;essai depuis quelques ann\u00e9es. Les exemples pr\u00e9sent\u00e9s seront ceux d&rsquo;Horizons gasp\u00e9siens, une coop\u00e9rative de solidarit\u00e9 cr\u00e9\u00e9e dans le but de servir de support administratif \u00e0 une panoplie de projets autog\u00e9r\u00e9s. Parmi ceux-ci, le Loco Local un espace citoyen autog\u00e9r\u00e9 ouvert \u00e0 tous et toutes 24h sur 24, sept jours sur sept et o\u00f9 la confiance est au coeur de l&rsquo;exp\u00e9rience. Le Demi, une monnaie alternative cr\u00e9\u00e9e \u00e0 m\u00eame le dollar canadien en coupant celui-ci en deux avec une paire de ciseaux et les Chemins gasp\u00e9siens, un r\u00e9pertoire vivant autog\u00e9r\u00e9 qui veut aider \u00e0 faire sortir de l&rsquo;ombre le fait que l&rsquo;\u00e9conomie sociale et collaborative est un pilier fort de l&rsquo;\u00e9conomie gasp\u00e9sienne. <\/p>\n<h5>VIRAGE et la participation consciente<\/h5>\n<p>Ian Segers, VIRAGE, UQ\u00c0C (Chicoutimi, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>VIRAGE, FABRIQUE D\u2019ID\u00c9ES est un festival transdisciplinaire o\u00f9 se croisent les sciences, les arts, les savoirs-faires, les exp\u00e9riences terrain, la politique et les alternatives \u00e9conomiques dans un objectif pr\u00e9cis: co-construire et acc\u00e9l\u00e9rer la transition socio-\u00e9cologique. VIRAGE se d\u00e9roule en pleine nature dans un village en r\u00e9gion \u00e9loign\u00e9e, \u00e0 Ste-Rose-du-Nord au Saguenay et accueil des centaines de citoyennes de tout le Qu\u00e9bec et durant quatre jours. L\u2019intelligence collective est stimul\u00e9e par une approche participative originale qui met en dialogue une diversit\u00e9 de savoirs articul\u00e9e \u00e0 travers trois grandes dimensions : 1-        La t\u00eate : Pour d\u00e9coloniser l\u2019imaginaire, il est important de comprendre notre monde par ses dimensions th\u00e9oriques et conceptuelles. En s\u2019exer\u00e7ant \u00e0 chercher, \u00e0 analyser et \u00e0 s\u2019interinfluencer, il devient possible de polliniser nos imaginaires et d\u00e9velopper de nouvelles approches th\u00e9oriques adapt\u00e9es aux r\u00e9alit\u00e9s socio-\u00e9cologique de notre \u00e9poque.2-        Les mains : Cette dimension implique la mobilisation et la transmission de savoirs-faire dans une volont\u00e9 d\u2019apprentissage collectif. L\u2019id\u00e9e, c\u2019est de (r\u00e9)apprendre comment faire les choses, mais aussi \u00e0 les d\u00e9construire et \u00e0 r\u00e9parer le mat\u00e9riel autant que l\u2019immat\u00e9riel. 3-        Le coeur : C\u2019est r\u00e9apprendre \u00e0 faire confiance en ce reliant \u00e0 soi, aux autres et \u00e0 la nature tout en c\u00e9l\u00e9brant notre interd\u00e9pendance \u00e0 cette inestimable communaut\u00e9 de destin plan\u00e9taire. En explorant de nouvelles narrations du monde, le c\u0153ur permet de co-construire d\u2019audacieuses \u00e9thiques post-capitalistes tout en faisant face aux \u00e9motions individuelles et collectives qui nous assaillent dans cette \u00e9poque d\u2019effondrementLe festival est autofinanc\u00e9 \u00e0 90%. \u00c0 part un support financier de la MRC du fjord, VIRAGE se finance par la vente de billets et de bi\u00e8res sp\u00e9cialement fabriqu\u00e9e pour le festival. Mais rien ne serait possible sans le don et le contre-don entre organisateurs, b\u00e9n\u00e9voles, festivali\u00e8res, conf\u00e9renciers et artistes. Lors de l\u2019\u00e9dition 2017, nous avons initi\u00e9 le \u00ab billet solidaire \u00bb : une personne peut acheter un billet suppl\u00e9mentaire qui sera donn\u00e9 \u00e0 une personne ne pouvant pas assumer le prix du festival. Pour l\u2019\u00e9dition de 2018, nous voulons pousser plus loin les pratiques \u00e9conomiques innovantes et proposer aux festivaliers la \u00ab participation consciente \u00bb. Cette formule de financement d\u00e9velopp\u00e9 par l\u2019Universit\u00e9 du Nous(http:\/\/universite-du-nous.org) propose de questionner les fa\u00e7ons d\u2019\u00e9changer les richesses. Cette formule implique pour les organisatrices une totale transparence et la diffusion du montage financier  pour que les festivaliers puissent donner ce qui leur parait juste. Cette conscience se d\u00e9veloppe sur la base de trois questions : ce que je VEUX payer? Ce que je PEUX payer ? Ce que je DOIS payer. Cette pratique \u00e9conomique sera le sujet central de la conf\u00e9rence propos\u00e9e. <\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Perspectives f\u00e9ministes sur les alternatives \u00e9conomiques: dialogue interg\u00e9n\u00e9rationnel <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#9baeff; color:#000\">\u00c9conomie \u00e9mancipatrice<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Sam 14:00 &#8211; SH-2420 &#8211; FR &#8211; Atelier avanc\u00e9<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc54\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">Cette activit\u00e9 r\u00e9unira des militantes et chercheures-engag\u00e9es f\u00e9ministes qui exp\u00e9rimentent et\/ou r\u00e9fl\u00e9chissent les alternatives \u00e9conomiques. Elle se veut un dialogue interg\u00e9n\u00e9rationnel historique, rassembleur et critique: des perspectives f\u00e9ministes radicales sur l\u2019\u00e9conomie des ann\u00e9es 1970s (C\u00f4t\u00e9) aux \u00e9cof\u00e9ministes de la g\u00e9n\u00e9ration altermondialiste qui vivent l\u2019autonomie collective (Prud\u2019homme et Beau-Ferron) ou qui pensent la souverainet\u00e9 alimentaire (Beaulieu-Bastien) en passant par la revendi&#8230;<\/p>\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Elsa Beaulieu-Bastien, Universit\u00e9 Concordia (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Denyse C\u00f4t\u00e9, Universit\u00e9 du Qu\u00e9bec en Outaouais (Gatineau, Canada)<\/br>Louise Boivin, Universit\u00e9 du Qu\u00e9bec en Outaouais (Gatineau, Canada)<\/br>Elisabeth Germain,  (Qu\u00e9bec, Canada)<\/br>Maude Prud\u2019homme, Tache d\u2019huile (Gasp\u00e9sie, Canada)<\/br>Gabriella Kint\u00e9, Librairie Racines (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Catherine Beau-Ferron, Hameau 18 (Cap-au-Renard, Canada)<\/p>\n<p>Animation: July Raby<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc54\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Perspectives f\u00e9ministes sur les alternatives \u00e9conomiques: dialogue interg\u00e9n\u00e9rationnel <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Cette activit\u00e9 r\u00e9unira des militantes et chercheures-engag\u00e9es f\u00e9ministes qui exp\u00e9rimentent et\/ou r\u00e9fl\u00e9chissent les alternatives \u00e9conomiques. Elle se veut un dialogue interg\u00e9n\u00e9rationnel historique, rassembleur et critique: des perspectives f\u00e9ministes radicales sur l\u2019\u00e9conomie des ann\u00e9es 1970s (C\u00f4t\u00e9) aux \u00e9cof\u00e9ministes de la g\u00e9n\u00e9ration altermondialiste qui vivent l\u2019autonomie collective (Prud\u2019homme et Beau-Ferron) ou qui pensent la souverainet\u00e9 alimentaire (Beaulieu-Bastien) en passant par la revendication pour des infrastructures sociales comme levier vers l\u2019autonomie \u00e9conomique des femmes mise de l\u2019avant par la Marche du pain et des roses dans les ann\u00e9es 1990s (Germain). Anim\u00e9e par Julie Raby, et comment\u00e9e par Louise Boivin, cette activit\u00e9 abordera r\u00eaves, initiatives, d\u00e9sillusions, grincements, instrumentalisations, d\u00e9mant\u00e8lements, mais aussi ouvertures. Elle permettra de soulever des questions importantes en lien avec la reconfiguration des rapports de classe, de genre et de racisation et de proposer quelques pistes pour diff\u00e9rencier ce qui est progressiste comme alternative \u00e9conomique et ce qui ne l&rsquo;est pas. <\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Elsa Beaulieu-Bastien, Universit\u00e9 Concordia (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Denyse C\u00f4t\u00e9, Universit\u00e9 du Qu\u00e9bec en Outaouais (Gatineau, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Louise Boivin, Universit\u00e9 du Qu\u00e9bec en Outaouais (Gatineau, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Elisabeth Germain,  (Qu\u00e9bec, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Maude Prud\u2019homme, Tache d\u2019huile (Gasp\u00e9sie, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Gabriella Kint\u00e9, Librairie Racines (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Catherine Beau-Ferron, Hameau 18 (Cap-au-Renard, Canada)<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p>Animation: July Raby<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Justice \u00e9conomique par et pour les communaut\u00e9s racis\u00e9es <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#9baeff; color:#000\">\u00c9conomie \u00e9mancipatrice<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Sam 16:00 &#8211; SH-3420 &#8211; EN\/FR(Traduction disponible) &#8211; Atelier introductif<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc55\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">This activity brings together activists, organisers and entrepreneurs from racialized communities of Montreal who are engaged in taking back economic practices for social justice. Facilitated by Stephanie Guico, each of the participants will be asked to engage with a series of questions as they share their experience: Would they qualify their work as emancipatory? If so, what aspects of mainstream Quebec are they working to free themselves from? Is their practice rooted in anti-capitalism \/ what&#8230;<\/p>\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">St\u00e9phanie Germain,  (Montr\u00e9al, Canada) <\/br>Mostafa Henaway, Immigrant Workers Centre (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Jessica Gordon-Nembhard, City University of New York, Green Worker Cooperatives (New York, USA)<\/br>Will Prosper, Montr\u00e9al-Nord R\u00e9publik (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Animation: Stephanie Guico<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc55\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Justice \u00e9conomique par et pour les communaut\u00e9s racis\u00e9es <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>This activity brings together activists, organisers and entrepreneurs from racialized communities of Montreal who are engaged in taking back economic practices for social justice. Facilitated by Stephanie Guico, each of the participants will be asked to engage with a series of questions as they share their experience: Would they qualify their work as emancipatory? If so, what aspects of mainstream Quebec are they working to free themselves from? Is their practice rooted in anti-capitalism \/ what worldview are they working to materialize? What controlling influences have they and the people they work with had to free themselves from to move towards this worldview? How does the vision materialize into work, projects, etc. And how do they not lose track of the spirit of it when having to transpose to \u00ab\u00a0deliverables\u00a0\u00bb and \u00ab\u00a0project statements\u00a0\u00bb? Professor Jessica Gordon Nembhard will act as commentator, engaging in in situ analysis, based on her vast experience with community economics, Black Political Economy and popular economic literacy. This activity will provide a snapshot into the ongoing work by racialized communities to develop economic alternatives and to improve working conditions, busy work that is often overshadowed by more visible forms of social justice organizing in the face of racist, xenophobic and sexist assaults on individual and collective well being. It will be a space for sharing of dreams but also of challenges and for the drawing of lessons on how to consolidate and grow community-based approaches to social and economic justice. <\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p>St\u00e9phanie Germain,  (Montr\u00e9al, Canada) <\/br><\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Mostafa Henaway, Immigrant Workers Centre (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Jessica Gordon-Nembhard, City University of New York, Green Worker Cooperatives (New York, USA)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Will Prosper, Montr\u00e9al-Nord R\u00e9publik (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<p>Animation: Stephanie Guico<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">R\u00e9appropriation \u00e0 grande \u00e9chelle : le cas du B\u00e2timent 7 et la coop\u00e9rative des jeunes Press Start <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#9baeff; color:#000\">\u00c9conomie \u00e9mancipatrice<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Dim 9:30 &#8211; SH-2620 &#8211; EN\/FR(Traduction disponible) &#8211; Atelier introductif<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc58\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Michelle Duchesneau, Press Start youth-led cooperative arcade (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Akki Mackay, Saint Columba House (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Shane Keith, Press Start youth-led cooperative arcade (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Samara Allison, Press Start youth-led cooperative arcade (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Imane Tidli, Press Start youth-led cooperative arcade (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Judith Cayer, B\u00e2timent 7 (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Isabelle Monast-Landriault, B\u00e2timent 7 (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc58\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">R\u00e9appropriation \u00e0 grande \u00e9chelle : le cas du B\u00e2timent 7 et la coop\u00e9rative des jeunes Press Start <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Que se passe-t-il \u00e0 Pointe-Saint-Charles avec le B\u00e2timent 7 ? Cet ancien b\u00e2timent ferroviaire, objet d\u2019une r\u00e9appropriation r\u00e9ussie par et pour sa communaut\u00e9 et d\u2019un imposant travail de d\u00e9veloppement, se propose ni plus ni moins de devenir une fabrique d\u2019autonomie collective, un commun o\u00f9 se r\u00e9approprier les fondements de la vie. Dans les semaines entourant l\u2019ouverture de sa premi\u00e8re phase, des militantEs qui portent \u00e0 c\u0153ur le projet proposent deux pr\u00e9sentations, une sur l\u2019arcade autog\u00e9r\u00e9e Press Start et une sur le B\u00e2timent 7 dans son ensemble, suivi d\u2019une discussion collective. <\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5>Co-constructing an emancipatory economic initiative with youth in Pointe Saint-Charles \/ Co-construire une initiative \u00e9conomique \u00e9mancipatrice avec la jeunesse de Pointe Saint-Charles<\/h5>\n<p>Michelle Duchesneau, Press Start youth-led cooperative arcade (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Press Start is a youth-led cooperative arcade in Pointe Saint Charles that is set to open its doors in the spring of 2018, in B\u00e2timent 7. Our project emerged out of Saint Columba House, a community organization with a mission for social justice through education and empowerment. From 2015-16, three adult collaborators worked with five youth to devise a community consultation, exploring the needs and issues faced by youth in the community. The five young womyn who led the consultation interviewed over two hundred youth. After analysing the data, numerous issues emerged, as well as proposed solutions. Youth aged 14-19 shared that they were in need of employment opportunities in the community, in need of decision-making spaces, and spaces that are \u201cby youth and for youth\u201d. One solution proposed was capable of responding to many of the issues named: a youth-led cooperative business. So here we are, a year and a half later, working on a self-managed not for profit cooperative business with a social mission to create employment for youth in the arcade and in the broader community. Questions that we will explore: Why is it important that youth participate in the transition to a post-capitalist society? What are the social justice values and economic practices that frame this initiative? How does the re-framing of the economy and the construction of a youth-led cooperative business break with capitalism? <\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Akki Mackay, Saint Columba House (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Shane Keith, Press Start youth-led cooperative arcade (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Samara Allison, Press Start youth-led cooperative arcade (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Imane Tidli, Press Start youth-led cooperative arcade (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5>R\u00e9appropriation \u00e0 grande \u00e9chelle. Le cas du B\u00e2timent 7.<\/h5>\n<p>Judith Cayer, B\u00e2timent 7 (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Le projet du B\u00e2timent 7 embrasse si largement dans sa proposition de transformation, son histoire complexe, ses millions de dollars d\u2019investissements et son \u00e9cosyst\u00e8me humain organisationnel en pleine explosion qu\u2019il ne peut manquer de susciter des questions et de la curiosit\u00e9. Nous proposons donc une discussion collective autour des \u00e9l\u00e9ments suivants : Histoire et t\u00e9nacit\u00e9 : la r\u00e9appropriation du territoire comme une base p\u00e9renne d\u2019action collective; Utopie et enracinement : la r\u00e9conciliation entre besoins de base et visions stellaires; Contradictions et audace : la mobilisation des millions n\u00e9cessaires; Auto-organisation et autogestion : le tricotage de projets depuis l\u2019\u00e9chelle des v\u00e9cus et le vertige de la d\u00e9mocratie directe; Accessibilit\u00e9 et viabilit\u00e9 : le pari de la mixit\u00e9 et de l\u2019accessibilit\u00e9 radicale \u00e0 l\u2019\u00e8re de l\u2019embourgeoisement et dans l\u2019ombre du service de la dette.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Isabelle Monast-Landriault, B\u00e2timent 7 (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Communaut\u00e9, d\u00e9mocratie et entraide : vers et au-del\u00e0 de la dualit\u00e9 des pouvoirs <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#9baeff; color:#000\">\u00c9conomie \u00e9mancipatrice<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Dim 11:30 &#8211; SH-3140 &#8211; EN &#8211; Atelier introductif<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc95\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Dayton Martindale, These Times ()<\/br>Mason Herson-Hord, Motor City Freedom Riders (Detroit, MI, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br>John Michael Col\u00f3n, Auteur (Brooklyn, NY, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br>Kelly Roache, Solstice Initiative, Energy Democracy Solar Fund (New York, NY, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br>Eleanor Finley, Institute for Social Ecology (ISE), University of Massachussets (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Katie Horvath, Symbiosis (Detroit, MI, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc95\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Communaut\u00e9, d\u00e9mocratie et entraide : vers et au-del\u00e0 de la dualit\u00e9 des pouvoirs <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5>Community, Democracy, and Mutual Aid: Toward Dual Power and Beyond<\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<p>In \u201cCommunity, Democracy, and Mutual Aid: Toward Dual Power and Beyond\u00a0\u00bb\u00a0\u00bb, writers and organizers John Michael Col\u00f3n, Eleanor Finley, Mason Herson-Hord, Katie S. Horvath, Dayton Martindale, and Kelly Roache outline a bottom-up transition strategy to achieve a libertarian eco-socialist society. Grounded in principles of direct participation, social ownership, equality, commoning, and community restoration, the presentation answers the subtheme\u2019s question, \u201cIs a convergence of the different fronts in our struggle (economic, political, social) and its various sectors (community oriented, antiracist, ecological, anti-colonial, etc.) possible?\u201d with an emphatic and detailed, \u201cYes!\u201d\u2014all through a framework of developing radical democracy as a counterpower against the capitalist institutions that now dominate our lives. We propose a set of new communal institutions of democratic, collaborative governance and self-sufficiency. Drawing from a diverse range of thinkers and organizing traditions, we outline a dual-power theory of transition that can guide our movements to greater power and transformative potential. We then discuss in detail some of the democratic cooperative institutions that will form the basis for this transition, including neighborhood councils, community land trusts, collective housing, mutual aid networks, community gardens, community-owned energy, and worker-owned cooperatives. Describing an essay version of this proposal by several of our panelists, which received first place in the Next System Project\u2019s contest earlier this year, Naomi Klein said that our work stands out because it \u201csketches out a flexible roadmap for scaling up participatory democracy, in a creative synthesis of a number of different strands of radical thought.\u201d The panelists are co-founders of Symbiosis, an organization laying the groundwork for the establishment of a national (and eventually global) confederation of radically democratic municipalist projects.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Dayton Martindale, These Times ()<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Dayton Martindale will discuss the environmental necessities for local democratic self-determination, the fostering of ecological and posthumanist ethics through participatory democratic citizenship, and how both urban and rural areas can approach the ecological crisis within a municipalist framework.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Mason Herson-Hord, Motor City Freedom Riders (Detroit, MI, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Mason Herson-Hord will discuss the development of some of these particular institutions within this dual power movement strategy, using organizing work in Detroit as an illustrative example.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>John Michael Col\u00f3n, Auteur (Brooklyn, NY, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>John Michael Col\u00f3n will discuss our theory of social change, which insists on the need to plan discrete institutions that both solve discrete problems and form the building blocks of a new and radically democratic society in the here and now.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Kelly Roache, Solstice Initiative, Energy Democracy Solar Fund (New York, NY, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Kelly Roache will discuss shared solar energy initiatives in New York State, movement building around energy democracy, and the role for community ownership of energy infrastructure in building democratic autonomy.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Eleanor Finley, Institute for Social Ecology (ISE), University of Massachussets (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Eleanor Finley will discuss municipalist projects in Kurdistan, Catalonia, and the United States and lessons that can be drawn for such initiatives elsewhere.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Katie Horvath, Symbiosis (Detroit, MI, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Katie Horvath will discuss ongoing efforts to found a national or international network of democratic confederalists that can support and seed local chapters across the world.\u00a0\u00bb<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"row themeprogback\" style=\"background-image: url(https:\/\/thegreattransition.net\/wp-content\/uploads\/2018\/02\/culture.jpg)\" id=\"6\">\n<div class=\"themetitle\" style=\"background-color: #fffb00;\">\n<h4 class=\"themefont\" style=\"color: #000;\">Culture<\/h4>\n<\/p><\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"row horaireback\">\n<div class=\"col-sm-2 col-xs-5\">                            <\/div>\n<div class=\"col-sm-10 col-xs-12\">\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Subjectivation, ali\u00e9nation et conscience de classe <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#fffb00; color:#000\">Culture<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Ven 9:30 &#8211; PK-R310 &#8211; FR &#8211; Atelier avanc\u00e9<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc65\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">C\u00e9line Coat, \u00c9ducation nationale (France) (Paris, France) <\/br>Maxence L.Valade, Universit\u00e9 Concordia, Stasis &#8211; Groupe d&rsquo;enqu\u00eate sur le contemporain (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Jonathan Martineau, Bishop&rsquo;s University (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Thierry Gendron-Dugr\u00e9, Universit\u00e9 de Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc65\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Subjectivation, ali\u00e9nation et conscience de classe <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5>Conscience de classe, conscience f\u00e9ministe<\/h5>\n<p>C\u00e9line Coat, \u00c9ducation nationale (France) (Paris, France) <\/br><\/p>\n<p>Marxisme et fe\u0301minisme : peut-on penser une \u00ab conscience fe\u0301ministe \u00bb ?Pour lutter contre une oppression, une exploitation ou une domination sous quelque forme qu&rsquo;elle prenne, il faut de\u0301ja\u0300 en prendre conscience, il faut re\u0301aliser qu&rsquo;une situation ne va pas de soi et qu&rsquo;il pourrait en e\u0302tre autrement. Pourquoi ceux qui n&rsquo;ont que leur force de travail devraient la vendre a\u0300 ceux qui posse\u0300dent les moyens de productions, pourquoi certaines personnes n&rsquo;auraient pas le droit de vote et ne peuvent choisir de se marier ou non et avec qui ?Certains the\u0301oriciens marxistes comme Marx, Le\u0301nine ou Lukacs ont mis en avant le ro\u0302le essentiel de la conscience de classe dans la lutte des travailleurs contre leur exploitation et pour leur auto-e\u0301mancipation. Dans cette perspective de\u0301ja\u0300 cette notion fait l&rsquo;objet de de\u0301bats. Mais qu&rsquo;en est-il des autres combats contre des oppressions ou exploitations ? Peut-on, dans une perspective de lutte contre le patriarcat, exporter ce concept et formuler l&rsquo;ide\u0301e d&rsquo;une \u00ab conscience fe\u0301ministe \u00bb ?Envisager la possibilite\u0301 d\u2019une analogie entre la conscience de classe et ce qui serait une telle \u00ab conscience fe\u0301ministe \u00bb, c\u2019est se placer d\u2019emble\u0301e au c\u0153ur d\u2019un de\u0301bat de\u0301ja\u0300 ancien mais toujours pole\u0301mique, entre marxismes et fe\u0301minismes. Ce de\u0301bat concerne essentiellement le statut de la lutte fe\u0301ministe vis-a\u0300-vis de la lutte de la classe ouvrie\u0300re, conside\u0301re\u0301e comme premie\u0300re, l&rsquo;oppression des femmes e\u0301tant souvent conside\u0301re\u0301e dans le mouvement ouvrier comme une conse\u0301quence secondaire de l&rsquo;exploitation capitaliste. Mais ce de\u0301bat est aussi marque\u0301 par les influences re\u0301ciproques, par diffe\u0301rentes tentatives de conciliation qui se traduisent notamment par un certain nombre d\u2019emprunts critiques du fe\u0301minisme a\u0300 la the\u0301orie marxiste. Des the\u0301oriciennes fe\u0301ministes ont par exemple analyse\u0301 ce qu&rsquo;on appelle \u201cta\u0302ches me\u0301nage\u0300res\u201d en terme de \u201ctravail domestique\u201d et a mis en e\u0301vidence l&rsquo;exploitation e\u0301conomique subie par les femmes.Il s&rsquo;agit donc de savoir si l&#8217;emprunt de ce concept de conscience est pertinent pour e\u0301clairer les luttes fe\u0301ministes.<\/p>\n<h5>Pratique de la parole : accumulation processuelle et \u00e9thique de la d\u00e9prise<\/h5>\n<p>Maxence L.Valade, Universit\u00e9 Concordia, Stasis &#8211; Groupe d&rsquo;enqu\u00eate sur le contemporain (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Un mouvement intellectuel pluriel s\u2019applique actuellement \u00e0 th\u00e9oriser l\u2019accumulation primitive comme un processus au c\u0153ur du capitalisme plut\u00f4t qu\u2019en tant que moment historiquement circonscrit. Partant du fait que l\u2019exploitation est pr\u00e9c\u00e9d\u00e9e et encourag\u00e9e par divers types d\u2019appropriations (des femmes, de la terre, des usages\u2026etc), la reproduction du capitalisme qui colonise de plus en plus d\u2019espaces y est mise en lumi\u00e8re.         Si Marx accordait un r\u00f4le central \u00e0 l\u2019\u00c9tat au sein de l\u2019accumulation primitive, la d\u00e9finition qu\u2019il offrait de ce premier restait liminaire\u00a0: les moyens de coercition extra \u00e9conomiques. Nous souhaitons, au sein de notre pr\u00e9sentation, \u00e9clairer la section du Capital d\u00e9di\u00e9e \u00e0 l\u2019analyse de l\u2019accumulation primitive par la th\u00e9orie de l\u2019\u00c9tat et de la capture que Gilles Deleuze et F\u00e9lix Guattari d\u00e9plient dans le second tome de Capitalisme et schizophr\u00e9nie, Mille plateaux. Ces derniers privil\u00e9gient une description des formations sociales \u00ab\u00a0par des processus machiniques, et non par des modes de production (qui d\u00e9pendent au contraire des processus) \u00bb (Deleuze&#038;Guattari, 1980, 542). En d\u2019autres termes, \u00ab\u00a0ce n\u2019est pas l\u2019\u00c9tat qui suppose un mode de production, mais l\u2019inverse, c\u2019est l\u2019\u00c9tat qui fait de la production un \u2018mode\u2019\u00a0\u00bb (Ibid., 534).                 En montrant les affinit\u00e9s qu\u2019entretient la conception de l\u2019appareil d\u2019\u00c9tat qu\u2019\u00e9laborent Deleuze et Guattari avec la conception du pouvoir constituant que tente de d\u00e9construire Walter Benjamin, nous montrerons comment une politique de rupture face au capitalisme implique de se d\u00e9gager des rets de la souverainet\u00e9. Nous pointerons en quoi cette mise \u00e0 distance s&rsquo;enveloppe dans un usage de la parole qui la rend habit\u00e9e et habitable, par un rapport particulier \u00e0 la vie et l\u2019exigence qui en d\u00e9coule plut\u00f4t que par la prise sur la vie qui exige de nous. Bref, nous construirons une \u00e9thique territoriale qui se veut informer une strat\u00e9gie.<\/p>\n<h5>Temps de travail et temps de loisir. Tendances contemporaines.<\/h5>\n<p>Jonathan Martineau, Bishop&rsquo;s University (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Cette pr\u00e9sentation interroge certaines dynamiques contemporaines qui pr\u00e9sident \u00e0 la reconfiguration des temps de loisir en temps soumis aux imp\u00e9ratifs du temps du march\u00e9. Je propose premi\u00e8rement une th\u00e9orie historique du temps capitaliste. Je m&rsquo;attarde deuxi\u00e8mement au parcours historique de la s\u00e9paration entre temps de travail et temps de loisir dans les soci\u00e9t\u00e9s capitalistes. Je pr\u00e9sente ensuite une s\u00e9rie de r\u00e9flexions th\u00e9oriques et \u00e9thiques bas\u00e9es sur les donn\u00e9es d&rsquo;usage du temps dans les soci\u00e9t\u00e9s capitalistes contemporaines. Je mobilise de fa\u00e7on critique certains aspects de la th\u00e9orie de l&rsquo;acc\u00e9l\u00e9ration sociale pour r\u00e9fl\u00e9chir \u00e0 la notion d&rsquo;ali\u00e9nation temporelle.<\/p>\n<h5>L&rsquo;ali\u00e9nation : une explication marxienne de l&rsquo;indiff\u00e9rence et de l&rsquo;impuissance sociales<\/h5>\n<p>Thierry Gendron-Dugr\u00e9, Universit\u00e9 de Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>L\u2019un des principaux obstacles \u00e0 une \u00e9ventuelle \u00ab\u00a0grande transition\u00a0\u00bb est que notre syst\u00e8me \u00e9conomique induit chez les individus un sentiment d\u2019impuissance, voire d\u2019indiff\u00e9rence \u00e0 l\u2019\u00e9gard de l\u2019ordre social et des injustices qu\u2019il perp\u00e9tue. Ce sentiment partag\u00e9 de d\u00e9tachement envers le monde et les individus qui le composent, Marx avait con\u00e7u de l\u2019expliquer gr\u00e2ce \u00e0 une analyse c\u00e9l\u00e8bre du travail sous le capitalisme\u00a0: celle du travail ali\u00e9n\u00e9. Dans ses Manuscrits \u00e9conomico-philosophiques de 1844, il cherche \u00e0 montrer comment la forme salari\u00e9e du travail, qui est toujours un travail pour un autre, prive le travailleur de son lien objectif avec le monde; lien que le travail permettait justement de confirmer. D\u00e9tach\u00e9 du produit de son travail et des moyens de l\u2019ex\u00e9cuter, le travailleur est priv\u00e9 de la possibilit\u00e9 de se r\u00e9aliser, au sens il n\u2019est plus en mesure de s\u2019exprimer objectivement. Or, \u00ab\u00a0[ce] rapport [de l\u2019ouvrier au produit ali\u00e9n\u00e9 de son travail] est en m\u00eame temps le rapport au monde ext\u00e9rieur sensible, aux objets de la nature, monde qui s\u2019oppose \u00e0 lui d\u2019une mani\u00e8re \u00e9trang\u00e8re et hostile\u00a0\u00bb (Manuscrits \u00e9conomico-philosophiques). Autrement dit, par son propre travail \u2013 dont la forme salari\u00e9e lui est impos\u00e9e par l\u2019ordre social dominant \u2013 le travailleur en vient \u00e0 se d\u00e9tacher du monde au point o\u00f9 il ne croit plus \u00e0 sa capacit\u00e9 de le changer. Ce faisant, non seulement est-ce que le travailleur devient une puissance de travail abstraite (d\u00e9tach\u00e9e des moyens objectifs du travail), mais il est r\u00e9duit \u00e0 adopter la posture d\u2019un spectateur impuissant vis-\u00e0-vis un ordre social qui se reproduit \u00e0 la mani\u00e8re d\u2019une nature aux lois intangibles. Avec cette analyse, Marx nous donne non seulement les moyens de comprendre l\u2019une des principales sources d\u2019un des obstacles \u00e0 une transition, mais indique une voie \u00e0 suivre pour le d\u00e9passer.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Imagination, critique sociale et m\u00e9lancolie <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#fffb00; color:#000\">Culture<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Ven 9:30 &#8211; PK-1620 &#8211; EN\/FR &#8211; Atelier avanc\u00e9<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc107\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">Melancholia lies at the root of the left\u2019s paralysis. And yet, the overwhelming majority of \u2018radical\u2019 leftist political ideas have only further entrenched themselves in the logical presuppositions of melancholia, and thereby its restrictive ethics, all variations of which serve to make any positive political agenda immediately illegitimate. The philosophical disposition underlying this quagmire is a particular synthesis of Derrida and Levinas, which posits an unbridgeable abyss between ethics an&#8230;<\/p>\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Srdjan  Cvjeticanin, University of Michigan (Ann Arbor, MI, \u00c9tats-Unis) <\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc107\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Imagination, critique sociale et m\u00e9lancolie <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Melancholia lies at the root of the left\u2019s paralysis. And yet, the overwhelming majority of \u2018radical\u2019 leftist political ideas have only further entrenched themselves in the logical presuppositions of melancholia, and thereby its restrictive ethics, all variations of which serve to make any positive political agenda immediately illegitimate. The philosophical disposition underlying this quagmire is a particular synthesis of Derrida and Levinas, which posits an unbridgeable abyss between ethics and politics. Criticisms of melancholia are not absent \u2013 among others there is the Lacanian thesis that melancholia is founded on a conceptual misrecognition of lack as loss, and Agamben\u2019s suggestion that melancholia involves abandoning the object before it is ever lost. A synthesis of the two demands that in place of the popular &lsquo;radicalization&rsquo; of melancholia what is need is a political act homologous to the analytic, which would collapse the abyss posited between ethics and politics. My presentation assumes the above thesis, but expands on it by proposing a specific parallax shift that makes such collapse possible: a constitutive shift from the logic of tragedy to that of comedy, the fallout of which is the abandonment of the tragic outlook on the future and a radical opening of its horizon, by way of a reconceptualization of that very &lsquo;same&rsquo; past. The logic here is that of negative determination. Despite its abstract appearance, this move proposes clear outlines of how to mourn the losses of the past in a manner that not only criticizes the left\u2019s failures, but through that negation opens up the future and our collective libidinal attachment for a new political determination. Paradoxical as it may appear, the proposal of this presentation is simple: it is only through the aesthetic form of comedy that the impossible path between the present\u2019s infinite extension and nostalgia for the past can be taken. <\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p>Srdjan  Cvjeticanin, University of Michigan (Ann Arbor, MI, \u00c9tats-Unis) <\/br><\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Panel de Red Wedge I : Contre-culture et reproduction sociale <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#fffb00; color:#000\">Culture<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Sam 9:30 &#8211; SH-3260 &#8211; EN &#8211; Atelier introductif<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc19\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Kate Doyle Griffiths, International Women&rsquo;s Strike (Brooklyn, USA)<\/br>Jordy Cummings, Red Wedge Magazine (Toronto, Canada)<\/br>Tobin LeBlanc Haley, Ryerson University (Toronto, Canada)<\/br>Crystal Stella Beceril,  (Brooklyn, USA)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc19\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Panel de Red Wedge I : Contre-culture et reproduction sociale <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>This panel will present a range of thinkers engaging Marxist cultural theory through the lens of social reproduction to engage issues pertaining to countercultural or subcultural activities.  We define counterculture as an \u2018alternative mass\u2019, that is to say the cultural aspect of counterhegemonic political praxis. Taking issue with recent formulations that assert that the concept of \u2018counterculture\u2019 is elitist and inherently in opposition to radical politics, our presentations provide a glimpse and actual resistance taking place historically and in the present day, in countercultural spaces.  Jordy Cummings and Kate Doyle Griffiths tackle the overall question of Counterculture and Social Reproduction by way of engaging the American South\u2019s historical counterculture. Tobin LeBlanc Haley examines resistance by those labelled \u201cmentally ill\u201d within the Mad movement, and uses a social reproduction framework  to examine the limitations of our present model in regards to so-called mental health. Finally, engaging in debates as to the responsibility of cultural producers, Crystal Stella Beceril presents a critique of the dominant left understanding of \u201ccultural appropriation\u201d to work towards a non-reductionist, anti-essentialist understanding of countercultural production in 2017.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5>The Devil Fools with the Best Made Plans: Counterculture and the American South<\/h5>\n<p>Kate Doyle Griffiths, International Women&rsquo;s Strike (Brooklyn, USA)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>In really-existing social movements, countercultural affiliation has traditionally been both a frame of reference and a binding force, a proverbial secret handshake that shows that a given comrade is \u201cdown\u201d, be it within the Bohemian milieux of the First International or queer or otherwise antinomian enclaves in both the city and countryside in 2017.  It is our position that counterculture is a product of how everyday life is produced and reproduced within capitalist social property relations. The social reproduction of counterculture is a product of capitalism\u2019s combined and uneven development and the near universality of uneven and mixed consciousness. Yet given the historic relationship between counterculture and radical left-wing politics, it comes as some surprise that prominent leftist writers have questioned the utility of counterculture as a space of counterhegemonic praxis.The legacy of the \u2018sixties\u2019 counterculture is decidedly a mixed one. Yet for anti-capitalists to get a handle on the recent growth of the \u201cRedneck Rebellion\u201d movement, the uptick in using southern iconography and \u201cgun culture\u201d to mobilize against white supremacy, we cannot assume that this milieu was hot-housed out of nowhere. This is the coming-to-the-surface of a long dormant hippie counterculture rooted milieu, explicitly southern, yet viscerally rejecting the \u201cDixie\u201d oriented connotation. Southern hippies, musicians, bohemians and intellectuals have expressed a decided ambiguity at their \u2018heritage\u2019, embracing a \u2018different\u2019 south, multiracial, queer-friendly and ready to fight \u201cthe man\u201d, as the saying used to go. Is this a resilient form of counterhegemonic rebellion birthed in a countercultural milieu?  Or is it tailing southern machismo?  It is too soon to have a full-fledged answer to this question. Our paper, however, will raise these questions within the context of the social reproduction of counterculture, and, in turn, the question of counterculture\u2019s political meaning.  We in turn, assert that our formulation is generalizable, and can be used for engagement with countercultures as such.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Jordy Cummings, Red Wedge Magazine (Toronto, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5>Social Reproduction and the Mad Movement: Developing a New Framework for Analysis<\/h5>\n<p>Tobin LeBlanc Haley, Ryerson University (Toronto, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>The Mad Movement is a relatively new and growing countercultural movement that employs scholarship and activism as a means of challenging the mobilization of psychiatric categories and mental health care practices in the oppression of people with psychiatric labels in late capitalism. As part of this movement, radical scholars have developed Mad Studies. Mad Studies is a field dedicated to mapping and analyzing the oppression of people labelled mentally-ill and proposing non-capitalist forms of subsistence that support de-pathologized approaches to people who experience mental difference \u2013 what Mad scholars call Madness.Although largely anti-capitalist, the number of scholars developing Marxist analyses of Mad issues is relatively limited to date.  Moreover, within the existing Mad Studies literature, deploying Marxist analytic tools the insights of feminist political economists have been largely ignored. This is surprising given that the transition to capitalism in the West, and what Marxist scholars identify as the gendered separation of production and social reproduction is central to the impoverishment of people exhibiting mental difference, the development of asylums and, alongside scientific racism, the rise of psychiatry.In this presentation, I propose a feminist political economy framework for Mad Studies. I argue that we must understand and analyze mental health care systems as spaces of social reproduction for people often excluded from the labour force due to mental difference. The sites of mental health care, such as hospitals, housing services, and prisons, are spaces through which oppressive psychiatric understandings and carceral practices are enacted alongside the exploitation of the deeply gendered and racialized labour of service providers. Such an analysis demonstrates that shifts in mental health care are part of, and related to shifts in capitalist production and social reproduction rather than psychiatry creating new opportunities for counter-hegemonic interventions.<\/p>\n<h5>More Things Die In the Winter Here: Three Poems<\/h5>\n<p>Crystal Stella Beceril,  (Brooklyn, USA)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>The three poems read by the presenter \u2013 two of which appear in Red Wedge\u2019s newly released fifth issue \u2013 revolve around themes related directly and indirectly to social reproduction theory: intimacy, migration, domestic labor, gender and sexuality. In reading them as a beginning to the panel and the Red Wedge stream, the aim is to interrogate the ways in which artists and cultural workers concerned with issues related to social reproduction might integrate form and content, allowing the structures of feeling the emerge from gender-based and intersecting oppressions to impact the structures of poetic expression.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Panel de Red Wedge II : Cartographie cognitive, affect et exp\u00e9rience esth\u00e9tique <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#fffb00; color:#000\">Culture<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Sam 11:30 &#8211; SH-3260 &#8211; EN &#8211; Atelier avanc\u00e9<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc20\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Adam Turl, Evicted Art Blog (Las Vegas, USA)<\/br>Agatha A. Slupek, Graduate Students United (Chicago, USA)<\/br>Jordy Cummings, Red Wedge Magazine  (Toronto, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc20\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Panel de Red Wedge II : Cartographie cognitive, affect et exp\u00e9rience esth\u00e9tique <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>In working towards Red Wedge\u2019s development of a new Marxist critical aesthetic theory, we often turn towards the work of Fredric Jameson.  Jameson has engaged the concepts of \u2018cognitive mapping\u2019, put simply, a cartography of the affect produced in diverse circumstances, notably in experiencing and producing artistic production. Jameson points out that we experience an \u201cAffective Contagion\u201d, a \u201cglowing enlargement of affect well beyond the natural limits and boundaries of the individual\u201d. This is to say, emotions are socially produced and reproduced by capitalist social property relations, and in turn, act as a sort of virus.  The three papers on this panel examine diverse modalities of affect. The critically acclaimed visual artist Adam Turl engages the concepts directly, in reference to his own work. Agatha A.  Slupek examines the affective contagion of rage in regards to political mobilization.  Finally, Jordy Cummings presents his original theorization of the affect produced by improvised cultural production, music as well as acting\/comedy and painting. <\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5>Evicted Art: Totality and Cognitive Mapping<\/h5>\n<p>Adam Turl, Evicted Art Blog (Las Vegas, USA)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>To invoke Fredric Jameson, an alternative aesthetic of cognitive mapping, displacing earlier forms of epic narrative structure, will \u201craise spatial\u201d (and I would add, therefore, temporal) \u201cissues as\u201d a \u201cfundamental organizing concern.\u201d Like other ideas seeking to translate anti-capitalist aesthetic strategies into a neoliberal context (Jameson\u2019s temporal elevator trope, for example, in relation to climate change), cognitive mapping is a resource for representing the contradictory totality of contemporary capitalism and the differentiated totality of potential resistances.  In addition, cognitive mapping can be read in connection to past anti-capitalist art strategies, such as surrealism, which explored the intersection of the social and psychological. This presentation will relate Marxist ideas of cognitive mapping, along with narrative conceptual art concepts (rooted in underground Russian and Eastern European art practices in the 1970s and 1980s), critical irrealist (surrealist and speculative fiction) concepts and epic theater (Brechtian) concerns, to contemporary art practice \u2013 particularly focusing on art as a cognitive mapping of constrained working-class subjectivities. This will be demonstrated in relation to my own writing and practice, in particular the installations, 13 Baristas (Brett Westley Gallery, 2015), The Barista Who Could See the Future (Gallery 210, 2017) and Revolt of the Swivel Chairs (LV Cube, 2018), and other examples from contemporary artists and art history.<\/p>\n<h5>When Solidarity Means Revenge<\/h5>\n<p>Agatha A. Slupek, Graduate Students United (Chicago, USA)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>The notion of redress lies at the heart of the modern liberal democratic notion of justice. That you or the nation might owe me, or some group, something for past harm done is a formal principle few challenge, based as it is in the capitalist logics of ownership, exchange, credit, and debt. That I might pursue a form of redress with a vengeance, however, goes against a prominent current of liberal thought, on whose account the emotions of envy and vengeance are themselves detrimental to democratic politics. Martha Nussbaum (2016) argues that the public expression of anger is precisely that which threatens to ruin the fabric of liberal democracy. That this view is widespread is apparent when one considers the numerous pieces of disdainful news commentary as to anger and outrage since the eruption of a movement for black lives into the public sphere. Anger and vengeance ruin the fabric of liberal democracy, based as it is on reasoned deliberation among equals. I ask: and what if it did do that?In this paper, I consider the role that the symbols and affects of vengeance have played in feminist and counter-hegemonic discourses. Notably, numerous feminists have turned to the symbol of the Greek deities of The Furies, goddesses of blood vengeance who punish matricide, in order to articulate their radical visions of justice. French feminist H\u00e9l\u00e8ne Cixous turned to them in order to think justice in the light of the French state\u2019s irresponsible admission of contaminated blood into the hemophiliac populace during the height of the AIDS crisis in France. On April 13th in Montreal, a black-bloc banner read \u201cFrom Montreal to C-Ville, Bash the Fash: Soldarity means Revenge\u201d. I argue that vengeance is an appropriate register for thinking resistance when our lives are at stake.  <\/p>\n<h5>The Ecstatic Configuration: Utopia, Improvisation and Socialism<\/h5>\n<p>Jordy Cummings, Red Wedge Magazine  (Toronto, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Utopian art is art that allows a glimpse at the possibility of a future not yet discursively representable. To be distinguished from didactic art, utopian art doesn\u2019t portend to produce a given set of politics \u2018from above\u2019, but rather in its very essence, discovers and examines utopian potentiality embodied in both form and content. Thus, Perry Anderson, attending psychedelic rock concerts in the late sixties, posited that rock music was the world\u2019s first communist art form. This paper takes Anderson\u2019s point seriously, and, drawing on Fredric Jameson, finds the highest form of utopian content in art to be found in the practice of improvisation. The best, hence the most utopian improvisation, is that in which artists collectively find this utopian place in a sense that they could not as individuals.  This could be improvised comedy or drama, as in the films of Christopher Guest or Mike Leigh. Most frequently, however, it is in the group dynamic of improvised music.  Bill Monroe, the bluegrass pioneer, called this act when instruments have a conversation. One musician could ostensibly be playing one song, another a second song, and a third a third song, out of which, the utopia of something new appears out of space. John Coltrane and his contemporaries were able to channel the utopia of black liberation through their improvisation, while the Grateful Dead, in their dissonant feedback and mellifluous guitar solos were able to counterpose the horror of Vietnam with the beauty of the implicitly communist hippy ideal, as shared by Anderson. This paper constitutes a first step in developing a general theory of utopia and improvisation. Drawing on Jameson, as well as Walter Benjamin and Ernst Bloch, the purpose is not merely to attach politics to art by way of ascription, but to examine the utopian praxeology of improvisation.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">R\u00e9sister au r\u00e9el : la lutte autour de la culture globale contemporaine <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#fffb00; color:#000\">Culture<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Sam 11:30 &#8211; SH-2140 &#8211; EN &#8211; Atelier avanc\u00e9<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc60\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Sofia Cutler, McGill University (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Carolyn Jong, Concordia University (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Carl Plowright, McGill University (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Sean McDonell-Maulsby, Independent researcher (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Suvij Sudershan, McGill University (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Felix Fuchs, McGill University (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Animation: Sara Farah (U of Minnesota)<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc60\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">R\u00e9sister au r\u00e9el : la lutte autour de la culture globale contemporaine <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Concomitant with the scaling back of the gains of decolonization and the deregulation of economic systems has been the undermining of democratic societies by fascist tendencies which profit from a neoliberal socialization of the individual. The last two decades have seen a Gramscian \u201cpassive revolution,\u201d a strategic revival of class domination that takes hold of all spheres of life. The mapping of the neoliberal subject in this context becomes a way of mapping the effects of the \u201cemergence of a worldwide capitalist civilization\u201d (Aijaz Ahmad). What this new engagement with the real wants to represent and challenge is the world of combined and uneven development, where the realities of modernization are mystified and violence in the peripheral regions is made as invisible as the abject poverty in its centers.The papers in this panel aim to develop a critical discourse on contemporary culture which allows for a systematic understanding of how control over cultural production is used, especially by the far right, to manipulate public perception. We ask how we can coordinate a strategic pushback that focuses on the potential of political art to promote a critical intervention in public debates in the interest of anti-colonial and anti-capitalist projects.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5>\u201cComing of Age at the End of History: Suzanne Collins\u2019 The Hunger Games and the Dystopian Bildungsroman\u201d<\/h5>\n<p>Sofia Cutler, McGill University (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Suzanne Collins\u2019 The Hunger Games inaugurated a new dominant form in American popular culture: the dystopian Bildungsroman. Since its publication, many other series have followed. These post-apocalyptic, coming-of-age stories can be read as allegories of American youth\u2019s confrontation with a future of ecological unsustainability, economic precarity and social unrest. Although Collins\u2019 novels have been praised (and condemned) for their virulent social commentary, I argue that dystopia and Bildungsroman function as dialectical counterparts in a carnivalesque gesture that releases but ultimately contains the force of its critique. <\/p>\n<h5>\u00c0 venir<\/h5>\n<p>Carolyn Jong, Concordia University (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>In 2014 a handful of trolls launched an internet campaign called GamerGate, leading to widescale harassment targeted largely at marginalized people working in videogames, outspoken feminists, and anyone labelled a \u201csocial justice warrior\u201d. While the campaign drew public attention to the long-standing culture of misogyny in games, many questions remained unasked. For example, what were the material conditions that led to the rise of GamerGate and cemented their position as a herald of the \u201cculture war\u201d championed by the Alt-Right? Drawing on Gramsci\u2019s concept of the war of position, I look at some strategies and tactics used by both the Left and the Right in games, as well as underlying structural issues that helped fuel the conflict.<\/p>\n<h5>From Cosmonauts to Xenomorphs: Capitalism in Space and Science Fiction an Ideological Battleground<\/h5>\n<p>Carl Plowright, McGill University (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Popular ways of imagining future space exploration are entangled in both a technocratic worldview and an aesthetic engagement with science fiction. The genre is not just a reflection of post-industrial technological advancement, but a constitutive part of its material and ideological basis. Elements of science fiction media have been widely adopted as cultural touchstones by the far right and its public intellectuals in ways consistent with science fiction history and fascist representations of futurity. Drawing on Jameson and Gramsci, we demonstrate how technocratic worldviews involve a tacit intensification of colonialism and imperialism, presenting a fantasy of a capitalism revitalized on the verge of total exhaustion.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Sean McDonell-Maulsby, Independent researcher (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5>The Religions of Neoliberalism: Fiction and History in 21st Century Indian Literature<\/h5>\n<p>Suvij Sudershan, McGill University (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>The restructuring of the Indian economy in the 1990s was paralleled by the rise in influence of right-wing Hindu discourse throughout civil society. My paper engages specifically with the utilization of culture and history. For this purpose, I read Daggers of Treason (2017) by Niraj Srivastava juxtaposing it with readings of other mainstream writers, like Chetan Bhagat and Amish Tripathi. I argue that Tripathi and Srivastava engage in a project of historifying mythology and mythifying history. Their works provide a religio-historical backdrop to Bhagat\u2019s writing, which offers a glimpse into the mainstream, neoliberal ideologies of contemporary India, and its vision of caste, class, and gender.<\/p>\n<h5>Infectious Ideologies: America\u2019s Postcolonial Unconscious<\/h5>\n<p>Felix Fuchs, McGill University (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>No longer an allegory on consumerism stuck in a cannibalistic cycle, zombie fiction has become a representation of a world torn apart by economic crises. Reading M.R. Carey\u2019s The Girl with All the Gifts and several TV shows alongside Fanon, I argue that we see a vision of a collapsing global division of labor which is confronting the imperialist centers with the desperation they have inflicted on their peripheral regions. Yet, the end is no longer imagined as total collapse but as a vision of rebuilding a future beyond capitalism.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<p>Animation: Sara Farah (U of Minnesota)<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Science for the People (1969-1989) et sa critique de l&rsquo;imp\u00e9rialisme am\u00e9ricain, du d\u00e9terminisme biologique et de la science elle-m\u00eame <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#fffb00; color:#000\">Culture<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Sam 11:30 &#8211; SH-3140 &#8211; EN &#8211; Atelier avanc\u00e9<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc148\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">As the world grapples with climate change, and as President Trump\u2019s administration leads a frontal assault on the the practice of science itself, an organization of radical scientists from an earlier era has been founded anew: Science for the People (SftP). From 1969 to 1989, through political activism and publications such as its bimonthly magazine, the original SftP sustained a critique of science in service of capitalism, imperialism, oppression, and war, while struggling for a science that s&#8230;<\/p>\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Conor Dempsey, Science for the People Steering Committee, PhD candidate in Neuroscience, Columbia University (New York, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br>Taylor Lampe, Masters Student in Epidemiology, Columbia University (New York, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br>Laura Pe\u00f1aranda, Science for the People Steering Committee, Housing Rights Advocate (New York, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br>Gail Robson, Masters Student in Public Health, Columbia University (New York, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br>Erik Wallenberg, Science for the People Geoengineering Editorial Collective, PhD candidate in History, CUNY Graduate Center (New York, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Animation: Christopher Dols<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc148\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Science for the People (1969-1989) et sa critique de l&rsquo;imp\u00e9rialisme am\u00e9ricain, du d\u00e9terminisme biologique et de la science elle-m\u00eame <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>As the world grapples with climate change, and as President Trump\u2019s administration leads a frontal assault on the the practice of science itself, an organization of radical scientists from an earlier era has been founded anew: Science for the People (SftP). From 1969 to 1989, through political activism and publications such as its bimonthly magazine, the original SftP sustained a critique of science in service of capitalism, imperialism, oppression, and war, while struggling for a science that served human development, peace, social justice, and environmental sustainability. The new SftP aims to replicate and build upon the contributions of its predecessor. Toward that end, this panel will look at some of the original group&rsquo;s major contributions.Comprised of scholars with expertise on SftP history and moderated by an organizing member of the newly revived SftP, this panel will evaluate the content and significance of SftP&rsquo;s critiques of Imperialism and Biological Determinism. Daniel Chard will discuss SftP\u2019s opposition to U.S. imperialism, Anna Duensing will cover SftP\u2019s critique of biological determinism and Paul Rubinson will assess the organization\u2019s take on notions of neutrality and objectivity in science. Christopher Dols will provide commentary and facilitate discussion with the audience.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Conor Dempsey, Science for the People Steering Committee, PhD candidate in Neuroscience, Columbia University (New York, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Taylor Lampe, Masters Student in Epidemiology, Columbia University (New York, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Laura Pe\u00f1aranda, Science for the People Steering Committee, Housing Rights Advocate (New York, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Gail Robson, Masters Student in Public Health, Columbia University (New York, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Erik Wallenberg, Science for the People Geoengineering Editorial Collective, PhD candidate in History, CUNY Graduate Center (New York, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<p>Animation: Christopher Dols<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">\u00c9ducation et p\u00e9dagogie critique <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#fffb00; color:#000\">Culture<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Sam 14:00 &#8211; SH-2580 &#8211; EN &#8211; Atelier introductif<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc103\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Donald Wilson, Kamloops-Thompson Teachers&rsquo; Association, British Columbia Teachers&rsquo; Federation, Communist Party of Canada (Kamloops, BC, Canada) <\/br>Richard Simpson, University of Alaska Southeast (Juneau, AK, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br>Christopher Whitehead, Faculty of Law, McGill University (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Jayne Malenfant, McGill University (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc103\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">\u00c9ducation et p\u00e9dagogie critique <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5>Precribed Form, Liberatory Content: Emancipatory Pedagogy in Canadian High Schools<\/h5>\n<p>Donald Wilson, Kamloops-Thompson Teachers&rsquo; Association, British Columbia Teachers&rsquo; Federation, Communist Party of Canada (Kamloops, BC, Canada) <\/br><\/p>\n<p>Following Marx&rsquo;s critique of Hegel&rsquo;s Philosophy of Right, I will explore the degree to which prescribed curriculum, analogous to a constitution abstracted from the social and historical forces from which it is derived (class interests envisioned as universals), alienates teachers and students from content and practice, and how actual student engagement allows them to construct an analysis of reality based on authentic experience.  I will discuss the way in which students, the school structure and culture, as well as the prescribed curricula, condition teachers to act in ways that reifying our role as \u2018teacher,\u2019 reinforcing the mechanisms of oppression in opposition to emancipatory goals. Emerging from the ways in which courses are domesticated by prescribed learning outcomes and these social relations requires reflection and action: I will explore ways teachers attempt to obviate this tendency towards complicity in oppression, and the ways in which our liberation as teachers is bound up with the liberation of our students. I look at the ways in which teachers approach the curriculum, how they adapt their pedagogical praxis to the strictures of prescriptive design, and how they resist doing so. Flowing from this analysis of actual teaching practice, a secondary aim, is to reflect on the praxis of teaching a course from the perspective of critical theory in ways that are consistent with the spirit of the content: how the prescriptive demands of the curriculum can met in ways that allow students to be producers of knowledge rather than consumers of it, to demonstrate that the fulfilment of a course occurs when students and teacher pass through conscientization to transforming reality.<\/p>\n<h5>Automation and the Pedagogical Landscape<\/h5>\n<p>Richard Simpson, University of Alaska Southeast (Juneau, AK, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>In the Grundrisse Karl Marx identifies how capital\u2019s division of labor involves an antagonism between town and country that results in the creation of new civic formations and a fundamentally geographic project involving the \u201curbanization of the countryside, not ruralization of the city as in antiquity\u201d (473).  Whereas scholars have paid great attention to the way in which urban space functions to perpetuate the division of labor and increase forms of social and racial inequality around the world, less attention has been brought to the process by which urbanization has produced social landscapes that aim to disavow these objectives.  My presentation examines the spatial process by which private property and manufacturing relationships in the nineteenth century United States dialectically emerged alongside new urban forms of collective social space aimed at eliminating class inequality and social unrest.  These emergent \u2018pedagogical landscapes\u2019 utilized educational principles of cooperative labor to initiate and preserve new subjectivities based upon unifying the self-development of the individual with labor productivity.  I argue that such dialectical landscapes remain an integral part of today\u2019s global knowledge economy.  Contemporary corporate celebrations of the flexible workplace and the cooperative, process-based, labor rhetoric of \u2018humanist management\u2019 strategies have emerged in tandem with a specific transnational geography: demiurgic urban planning projects and dynamic corporate campuses now demarcate the rise of unique urban conglomerations strategizing an \u2018ideal\u2019 dot-com workplace for this \u2018knowledge-economy\u2019 discourse.  The persistence of this spatial process has significant implications for both the politics of postmodern culture as well as new conceptions of global praxis: contemporary articulations of humanist management undermine traditional conceptions of critical pedagogy and radical aesthetics, and yet at the same time, provide an unprecedented opportunity for this nineteenth century project of a humanist social organization on a global scale to begin its argument anew.<\/p>\n<h5>The Legal Academy Is Failing the Great Transition<\/h5>\n<p>Christopher Whitehead, Faculty of Law, McGill University (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>The legal academy has thought its way out of being interested in the \u201cnuts and bolts\u201d of capitalism. This state of affairs is problematic. Law is one of the great instruments of capitalism; therefore, this problem is one that poses a risk of the great transition not being so great after all. Surprisingly, the problem\u2014as a problem specific to law\u2014is one that has attracted little attention. One jurist, James Lindgren, has identified a lack of diversity\u2014in the United States\u2014in the \u201cdemographic makeup of law faculties compared to the larger pools of lawyers and the general public\u201d. Another jurist, Cass R Sunstein, has pointed to the \u201cgroupthink\u201d that results from any lack of diversity in any community. However, I know of no jurist who has identified any lack of interest within the legal academy for the inner workings of capitalism; nor do I know of any commentator who has discussed the associated risks for progressive interests. In order to contribute fully to the great transition, the legal academy needs to recognize and address this lack of interest. The very transition itself may depend on the legal academy doing so.In this presentation, I identify the signs that there is indeed such a disinterest\u2014 in Quebec, English-speaking Canada, and elsewhere\u2014in the inner workings of capitalism; the risks that this disinterest presents; and strategies for helping the legal academy recognize and address it. If the legal academy fails to do so, we have much to lose. There is a risk that the great transition may not come to pass. Even more alarmingly, there is a risk that there will be a great transition\u2014to something worse than we have ever known.<\/p>\n<h5>Imagining Anarchist Pedagogy within the Neoliberal University: Teaching and Acting Resistance in the Shell of the Old<\/h5>\n<p>Jayne Malenfant, McGill University (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Based within my research working with young anarchist punks across Canada, as well as work around education, institutional barriers, and youth homelessness in Montreal, I ask how we can imagine pedagogies which empower and engage students who are most likely to be excluded from traditional schooling institutions. As educators, how can anarchist forms of knowing and learning allow us to provide tools that will allow ourselves and our students to establish new, grounded and hopeful forms of resistance? Drawing from my own work, as well as\u00a0I will focus on how spaces like anarchist free schools can disrupt space who is imagined as the ideal \u201cstudent\u201d (and \u201ceducator\u201d), and what forms of pedagogy may best overturn exclusionary hierarchies which are firmly grounded in many institutions of education. Within the current capitalist climate, how can how can we push back against increasingly commodified and abstracted forms of education and actively imagine just alternatives?<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Panel de Red Wedge III : Les buts de l&rsquo;art et de la culture : explorer l&rsquo;avant-garde populaire <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#fffb00; color:#000\">Culture<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Sam 14:00 &#8211; SH-3260 &#8211; EN &#8211; Atelier avanc\u00e9<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc21\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Alexander Billet, Red Wedge Magazine (Syracuse, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br>Holly Lewis, Texas State University (San Marcos, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br>Neil Davidson, University of Glasgow (Glasgow, Royaumes-Unis)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc21\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Panel de Red Wedge III : Les buts de l&rsquo;art et de la culture : explorer l&rsquo;avant-garde populaire <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>This panel is meant to give an overview of the Red Wedge project as a whole, as we move towards formulating and producing a Popular Avant-Garde. In cultural production, The real expands beyond the confines of reality. That this intellectual, emotional and social interaction plays a central role in human existence speaks to our own capability to conceive of the world as more than just what we see in front of us, that is to say, another world is possible. A popular avant-garde, first and foremost, regards this as its starting point for understanding human creativity. It is both a critical framework for approaching art and an artistic praxis that deliberately foregrounds\u2019 the human capacity to collectively remake and repurpose.  On this panel, Red Wedge editor Alexander Billet will be presenting his updated theorization of the Popular Avant Garde.  Social theorist and author Holly Lewis will engage with the possibility of utopian fiction as part of such a project. Finally, the historical social theorist Neil Davidson, a past Deutscher prize winner, will be presenting on the use of Leon Trotsky\u2019s theory of Uneven and Combined Development to analyse cultural production. <\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5>Shake the City: Experimental Theses on Space and Time, Music and Crisis<\/h5>\n<p>Alexander Billet, Red Wedge Magazine (Syracuse, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>When space is transformed, so is time. The reverse is also true. When a crowd asserts its collective will onto a public space, the tempo and rhythm of that space is similarly reshaped. This has implications for musical creation, particularly if we frame music\u2019s definition as an aestheticization of time (which we should). As capital\u2019s domination of public space and time is challenged, so is our relationship with composed rhythm and sonic dynamics. Using John Berger\u2019s \u201cThe Nature of Mass Demonstrations\u201d as a starting point, combining Henri Lefebvre\u2019s rhythmanalysis, and Mark Abel\u2019s work on the nature of \u201cgroove music,\u201d this paper will explore how the return of \u201cspatial politics\u201d has resonated into the aesthetics of song-making through the relationship between recent protest movements and musical expression. Particular attention will be paid to hip-hop and Black Lives Matter, the 2010 UK student rebellion and grime music. The intent will be to illustrated how the figurative and literal reclamation of time in turn necessitates the reclamation of physical space from the manipulations and subjugations of neoliberalism.<\/p>\n<h5>Is a Utopian Materialist Fiction Possible?<\/h5>\n<p>Holly Lewis, Texas State University (San Marcos, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>It is common knowledge that Marx\u2019s work was a scientific response to the utopianism of early socialists such as the Saint Simon, who wished to construct a voluntarist society based on heteronormative dyads, or Charles Fourier, who imagined a psychedelic future where the heavens would be so pleased by human solidarity that they would turn the seas to lemonade. The Marxian scientific project, by contrast, described the real world and therefore required reasoned predictions about the capitalist society and the possibilities of life under socialism. However, while the Marxian economist must make accurate calculations to convince others (under capitalist rule) and provide for all (under socialist rule), strict adherence to the scientific realism of the Marxist framework as an engine of predictive power need not be the imaginative horizon for Marxists who are not scientists proper. I would argue that the lack of dreaming in modern Marxist circles has restricted energy and imagination. As a result popular anti-capitalist dreaming tends towards either a generalized escapism with occasional political nods (Netflix and chill\u2026) or dystopian fictions that project the present into the future (i.e. The Hunger Games, Carpenter\u2019s They Live, District 9, Junot Diaz\u2019s \u201cMonstro\u201d). By contrast, anti-capitalist literature of the Russian Revolution included dystopian predictions but also had a clear scientific utopian bent (i.e. the work of Lunacharsky, Bogdanov, Gastev) distinct from Fourier-style phantasmagoria.Ultimately, the line of questioning in this paper boils down to: \u201chow can we reconcile utopian dreaming with historical materialism?\u201d I think the question is urgent in light of the resurgence of fascist dreaming in the West. The paper will examine various fictions, touch upon the work of Ernst Bloch, and contain some material from my newest book project, The Struggle for Utopia.<\/p>\n<h5>Uneven and Combined Development and the Emergence of Modernism<\/h5>\n<p>Neil Davidson, University of Glasgow (Glasgow, Royaumes-Unis)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Since the academic discovery of uneven and combined development (UCD) in the 1990s it has been deployed, with varying degrees of success, in a number of disciplinary fields, including International Relations, Historical Sociology and World Literature. Yet, of all the areas not directly concerned with the conditions for Permanent Revolution, the one in which it offers the most the most useful framework for analysis is perhaps the least expected: the emergence of Modernism as a cultural form. Although several authors, including Anderson and Jameson, have come close to deploying UCD in their discussions of this subject, none have done so with explicit reference to Trotsky\u2019s concept.This paper will therefore attempt to show how the interpenetration of what Trotsky calls \u2018the archaic and the contemporary\u2019 attendant on the eruption of capitalist modernity, above all industrialisation and urbanisation, helped produce the experiences which shape Modernism. In particular it will explain why England \u2013 the one major country to undergo a relatively prolonged and gradual transition to capitalism \u2013 had one of the least important native Modernisms, and why countries with quite different political trajectories like Italy and Russia could nevertheless produce very similar art practices in the form of Futurism and Constructivism.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Esth\u00e9tique et R\u00e9volution au 21eme si\u00e8cle <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#fffb00; color:#000\">Culture<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Sam 16:00 &#8211; SH-2420 &#8211; EN &#8211; Atelier avanc\u00e9<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc22\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Rachel da Silva Gorman, York University (Toronto, Canada) <\/br>Sophia DiMatteo, University of California Santa Cruz (Santa Cruz, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br>Jessica Copley, University of Toronto (Toronto, Canada)<\/br>Kara Abdolmaleki, University of Alberta  (Edmonton, Canada)<\/br>Nicola Moore, University of California Santa Cruz (Santa Cruz, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc22\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Esth\u00e9tique et R\u00e9volution au 21eme si\u00e8cle <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5>Grieving empire: Affect aliens and aesthetic catharsis <\/h5>\n<p>Rachel da Silva Gorman, York University (Toronto, Canada) <\/br><\/p>\n<p>The global aftermath of Brexit and the 2016 U.S. election has drawn world\u2019s attention to the mass mobilization of white affects toward the preservation, consolidation, and reproduction of white supremacy and patriarchy. These affects are perhaps the unnamed emotions of the genocidal impulse, as seen in the endlessly looping spectacle of the murder of unarmed Black men and boys. At the same time, the work of surviving white supremacy is periodically revealed in the moments when it can be named as such. For Black, Indigenous and people of color, the labor of narrating our distress becomes a tricky business. In a world of neoliberal health logics and terrorist assemblages, there is no room for articulating the harms of racism and colonialism, except through diagnostics that relocate white supremacist affect in the affected communities\u2014residential school syndrome, and other labels that adhere as effectively as certain racialized affects do (for example, \u201chate\u201d in Haritaworn\u2019s Queer Lovers and Hateful Others). This paper draws on curatorial research into aesthetic modes of rejecting postcolonial catharsis in which we are asked to pity, and then purge our knowledge of, imperialism\u2019s victims. The research led to a six-artist exhibition Grieving Empire at A Space Gallery in Toronto, including two Montr\u00e9al-based artists. I argue that the works animate an aesthetics of revolutionary grieving that demand we \u201capprehend the policies creating unlivable, ungrievable conditions\u201d (Byrd, Transit of Empire, p. 38). The artists anchor their work in their bodies, on the land, and in unfolding transit and return in order to reveal the violence of the settler colonial state, its imperialist adventures, and its proxy wars. The artists engage in the work of grieving and historicizing contemporary violence through dance, animation, testimony, and repetition, drawing our attention to the body caught by borders, institutions, and war.<\/p>\n<h5>A Museum of Capitalism<\/h5>\n<p>Sophia DiMatteo, University of California Santa Cruz (Santa Cruz, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>A Museum of Capitalism is a traveling exhibition meant to counter the popular colonial traditions of display and knowledge. The Museum investigates what it might be like to look back on capitalism and the museum form from a post-capitalist society\u2013 a context highly critical of the constructs of race, gender, and economics under capitalism, a perspective from which capitalism appears as absurd and violent as it really is.A collection is somewhere between order and disorder, arranging the world in specific ways. Originating as \u201ccabinets of curiosities,\u201d museum collections inherently participate in colonialism, taking objects from people and displaying them in a way that showcases them as other and exotic. In this way, museums are actually critical agents in reproducing colonial violence and sustaining it across time well after the colonial moment. Our project aims to flip this mode of display back onto western colonial power, presenting western objects as distant and strange. Set in the present moment, A Museum of Capitalism exists in an alternate reality, imposing an imagined post-capitalist lens on the present moment. By traveling across time and space, the Museum intervenes with the current spatial and pedagogical methods of normalizing capitalism, creating a space for critical and strategic conversations with people. While putting capitalism in the past by making it the subject of a historical museum, we do not fill out the details of the post-capitalist reality. This is intentional, as there is still much thinking and imagining to be done. We aim not for contrived discussion based within imagined limits of possibility, but to bring people a new reality with an open platform to be creative both with their imagining of the transition out of capitalism as well as the form of a post-capitalist life and society. <\/p>\n<h5>Rethinking the lumpenproletariat: Undoing invisibility as an instrument of capitalist exploitation<\/h5>\n<p>Jessica Copley, University of Toronto (Toronto, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>In Don DeLillo\u2019s 2003 novel Cosmopolis, a financial executive traverses New York in a limousine in search of a haircut, while anti-capitalist protests rage outside. Devoid of affect, the novel repeatedly insists on capital\u2019s hegemony of the visible as means of sustaining the moral right to financial hegemony over those it dispossesses; connecting sanitization with security, DeLillo proffers a critique that shows how the wilful blindness of capitalist violence prevents its un-seen victims from contesting its logic and provokes the question of how all that is obscured from this visual field \u2013 that which is revolting \u2013 might also become a source of revolt. In this vein, I propose to return to the thorny question of the lumpenproletariat in order to firstly elaborate a critique of this hegemony of the visible, before asking how a forcible re-injection of the lumpen into this visual field might in turn provoke a disruption of its economic structure. After firstly addressing the relationship between the novel\u2019s infamous refrain \u201ca rat became the unit of currency\u201d and its source, Zbigniew Herbert\u2019s \u201cPoem from a Besieged City\u201d, I will then look at Fanon\u2019s analysis of the rat as a source of anti-colonial disruption before discussing the representation of the lumpen today and its intersections with questions of race, class and gender. <\/p>\n<h5>Atemporal Times: Neurosis, Enlightenment, and the End of Postmodernism<\/h5>\n<p>Kara Abdolmaleki, University of Alberta  (Edmonton, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Atemporality, as American novelist Bruce Sterling defines it, \u201cis a problem in the philosophy of history,\u201d meaning that after the advent of the network as a mode of communication and a mediator between us and the outside world, the history of ideas has entered some uncharted territory. A clear sign of this wonderment is the historical disorientation that plagues our post-postmodern age. Almost all scholars agree that the postmodern age is, by any definition, over; what they cannot agree on is what to call the current era. What is the next grand narrative? Or is it possible for another grand narrative to dominate the network of vast, poorly organized data, where no single authority exists? This has prompted some to announce the beginning of the end for capitalism and call for contemplation upon viable alternatives to it. This sense of transition is perhaps the result of the realization that as a result of a postmodern revisiting, unsettling, undermining of our modern values and structures, we sense a respite from ideology. This paper is a word of caution against that assumption. As Slavoj Zizek notes, ideology permeates our lives most when we feel we have finally stepped outside of it. The word of caution is that although, at this historical moment, the burden of ideology feels much lighter, there are modernist neurotic tendencies and instrumental rationalities that have remained unscathed by postmodern interrogation; they dictate our view of history and reinforce our false belief in the idea of progress. Without a thorough revisiting of these fundamental ideological dogmas, which sit at the heart of current technology, it would not be easy to speak of a great transition. <\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Nicola Moore, University of California Santa Cruz (Santa Cruz, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"row themeprogback\" style=\"background-image: url(https:\/\/thegreattransition.net\/wp-content\/uploads\/2018\/02\/imperialism2.jpg)\" id=\"7\">\n<div class=\"themetitle\" style=\"background-color: #000;\">\n<h4 class=\"themefont\" style=\"color: #fff;\">Imp\u00e9rialisme<\/h4>\n<\/p><\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"row horaireback\">\n<div class=\"col-sm-2 col-xs-5\">                            <\/div>\n<div class=\"col-sm-10 col-xs-12\">\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Imp\u00e9rialisme, capitalisme et r\u00e9sistance en Inde <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#000; color:#fff\">Imp\u00e9rialisme<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Ven 11:30 &#8211; PK-1780 &#8211; EN &#8211; Atelier avanc\u00e9<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc112\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Bijayani Mishra, Jawaharlal Nehru University (New Delhi, Inde) <\/br>Radha D&rsquo;Souza, University of Westminster (Londres, Grande-Bretagne)<\/br>himadri Sekhar Mistri, Jawaharlal Nehru University  (New Delhi, Inde)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc112\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Imp\u00e9rialisme, capitalisme et r\u00e9sistance en Inde <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5>Holding up Half the Sky: Women Combatants in the Maoist Movement in India<\/h5>\n<p>Bijayani Mishra, Jawaharlal Nehru University (New Delhi, Inde) <\/br><\/p>\n<p>All through the history of revolutionary upsurges women have actively taken up various roles. They have forgone the traditional assigned roles of wives, mothers and sisters and have assumed leadership roles, going beyond just rendering support to male combatants. In the different liberation wars of Africa, Latin America and Asia women have proved to be brave fighters. Women fought with valor and zeal in order to match the men force, wore identical combat uniforms and received equivalent military and technical trainings. The Maoist movement in India has attracted a number of women cadres, over the years. Women combatants have outnumbered their male counter-parts in some of the crucial military operations. The Maoists\u2019 publication titled \u201cWomen martyrs of the Indian Revolution\u201d (2006) highlights that, \u201cwomen from the most oppressed sections, join in large numbers\u201d. Both young girls and grown up women of different ages actively participate in the Maoist movement. They have proved themselves as professional fighters in the Peoples&rsquo; War and a few have attained crucial leadership positions at various levels. Besides direct military roles, they have engaged themselves as propagandists, organizers, espionage workers, logistics suppliers, nurses and cultural activists, as cadre managers and as human shield to combatants. For those in prison, they are visitors and vital source of inspiration. They also act as sympathizers for martyrs\u2019 households. This study will make an attempt to address the agency and motivations of women that led them to make a decision of joining the movement and will also focus on the debates regarding how women\u2019s experiences in the movement changed their viewpoints regarding gender discourses in the society. It will also explore the challenges faced by women combatants in the movement and ex-combatants when they try to integrate into the larger society.<\/p>\n<h5>FROM \u2018COMPANY RAJ\u2019 TO GLOBAL GOVERNANCE VIA INDIRECT RULE<\/h5>\n<p>Radha D&rsquo;Souza, University of Westminster (Londres, Grande-Bretagne)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>The international legal order is constituted by the interplay of two types of sovereignties: the territorial sovereignty of states and the non-territorial sovereignty of corporations. With the exception of a small nascent body of scholarship on corporate sovereignty the vast literature on sovereignty focuses overwhelmingly on territorial sovereignty of nation-states.  So much so that sovereignty has come to mean state sovereignty. Consequently, the interplay of the two types of sovereignties \u2013 one territorial and the other non-territorial \u2013 and their relations of cooperation and conflict is fetishized in the international order. Colonial governance demonstrates a distinct and unique interplay of corporate\/non-territorial sovereignties and state\/territorial sovereignties that provide important insights into the legal and institutional infrastructures for governance in the post-World War II world order. This presentation examines the interrelationships between global corporations, the modern Westphalian state and colonialism. \u201cCompany Raj\u201d, as the East India company rule was called, was a particular type of relationship between European trading corporations, capitalist states and native rulers formed by what in present-day globalisation-speak is called public-contracting, profit-sharing and public-private-partnerships. Unlike the Dutch, French, Spanish and Portuguese trading corporations, where the colonial enterprise was either state-owned or a public-private partnership, British colonialism was from its inception a private enterprise embedded in public contracts.  Contracting out colonial governance to a trading corporation entailed extended chains of legal relationships between the Crown and the corporation on the one hand and the corporation and native rulers on the other. This presentation contextualises the metamorphoses in four foundational concepts in the contemporary international law: sovereignty, trusteeship, paramountcy and subsidiarity from Company Raj to the UN system. It draws on the metamorphoses to comment on the failure of the Left critique to pay attention to law and governance, \u2018the nitty-gritty\u2019 of colonialism and imperialism today. The failure has left a wide gap between the ideological critique of contemporary imperialism and political practices for radical social change.<\/p>\n<h5>Barricading \u2018Hindutva Capital\u2019: Student Movements and ideas of Dissent and resistance in Contemporary India<\/h5>\n<p>himadri Sekhar Mistri, Jawaharlal Nehru University  (New Delhi, Inde)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Sub-theme: Facing neoliberal governementsContentious nature of Indian student movements has roots in its colonial history. But the nature of contention has changed over the period of time. For contemporary student movements, one of the main challenge comes from rise of right wing Hindutva politics; whose political ideology seeks legitimacy from Hindu theology and celebrate hierarchical exclusionary system like \u2018Varna and Caste\u2019; in collaboration with neoliberal ruling elites, pose challenge the very fundamental of Indian democracy. Neoliberal policies, which advocates privatization of education and delegitimize students as \u2018political entity\u2019 help to further consolidate Hindu hierarchy; as in a privatized education system students from lower class and lower caste are denied entry because of their economic inability. The very \u2018Indian dichotomy\u2019, ruling elite sense of India as \u2018Technological Powerhouse\u201d and growing Student unrests in leading Universities increasingly confront each other and questions the current political establishment and their policies.  This paper conceptualizes the idea of dissent and how dissent transforms into the process of resistance, in context of Student movements in Indian Higher educational Institutions and while doing so, also focuses the historical transition of student movements in India and how that transition affected present day motives of movements. To understand these, paper explores relations among religion, society and capital and how capital\u2019s effort to normalize non-democratic, exclusionary practices to maximize its profit is facing resistance in Indian campuses in terms of method and practices of movements. Finally, the paper also finds the impact that student movements\u2019 create in national politics in respect to policy formulation and to do that how it integrates itself with larger society. The paper will particularly focuses on anti-privatization movements in education and students activism on \u2018enacting Rohit Act\u2019 (Rohit Vemula, an \u2018untouchable\u2019 student committed suicide in campus) to protect the students from marginalized and weaker communities. <\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Crise, fin ou continuit\u00e9 de l\u2019imp\u00e9rialisme am\u00e9ricain? <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#000; color:#fff\">Imp\u00e9rialisme<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Ven 14:00 &#8211; PK-1705 &#8211; FR &#8211; Atelier introductif<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc50\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">Pour plusieurs observateurs, les d\u00e9ploiements et exercices militaires des forces arm\u00e9es \u00e9tatsuniennes avec leurs alli\u00e9s en Europe et en Asie, sous la justification de contrer \u00abl\u2019expansionnisme russe et chinois\u00bb, r\u00e9v\u00e8lent le d\u00e9but de la fin de l\u2019imp\u00e9rialisme am\u00e9ricain. Pour d\u2019autres, il s\u2019agit tout simplement d\u2019une continuit\u00e9, ayant qui plus est l\u2019objectif de garder la mainmise sur des pays qui pourraient se distancier des \u00c9tats-Unis. D\u2019un autre c\u00f4t\u00e9, les exp\u00e9ditions \u00e9tatsuniennes en Afrique appa&#8230;<\/p>\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Beno\u00eet Coutu, Universit\u00e9 du Qu\u00e9bec \u00e0 Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada) <\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc50\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Crise, fin ou continuit\u00e9 de l\u2019imp\u00e9rialisme am\u00e9ricain? <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Pour plusieurs observateurs, les d\u00e9ploiements et exercices militaires des forces arm\u00e9es \u00e9tatsuniennes avec leurs alli\u00e9s en Europe et en Asie, sous la justification de contrer \u00abl\u2019expansionnisme russe et chinois\u00bb, r\u00e9v\u00e8lent le d\u00e9but de la fin de l\u2019imp\u00e9rialisme am\u00e9ricain. Pour d\u2019autres, il s\u2019agit tout simplement d\u2019une continuit\u00e9, ayant qui plus est l\u2019objectif de garder la mainmise sur des pays qui pourraient se distancier des \u00c9tats-Unis. D\u2019un autre c\u00f4t\u00e9, les exp\u00e9ditions \u00e9tatsuniennes en Afrique apparaissent comme le signe d\u2019un red\u00e9ploiement de celui-ci, surtout apr\u00e8s l\u2019\u00e9chec des exp\u00e9ditions irakienne, libyenne et syrienne. Entre crise, fin et continuit\u00e9, notre volont\u00e9 est d\u2019explorer les diverses pistes nous permettant de penser une reformulation du projet imp\u00e9rialiste \u00e9tatsuniens.  <\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p>Beno\u00eet Coutu, Universit\u00e9 du Qu\u00e9bec \u00e0 Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada) <\/br><\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Guerre, imp\u00e9rialisme et ordre global <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#000; color:#fff\">Imp\u00e9rialisme<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Ven 14:00 &#8211; PK-1350 &#8211; EN &#8211; Atelier avanc\u00e9<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc42\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Paul Kellogg, Athabasca University (Athabasca, Canada) <\/br>Sona Kazemi, University of Toronto (Toronto, Canada)<\/br>Paramjit  Singh, Panjab University (Chandigarh, Inde)<\/br>Inderjeet Singh, Punjabi University (Patiala, Inde)<\/br>Yiming He, York University (Toronto, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc42\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Guerre, imp\u00e9rialisme et ordre global <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5>Distorted by war \u2013 the political, economic and social impacts of permanent militarism in the U.S.<\/h5>\n<p>Paul Kellogg, Athabasca University (Athabasca, Canada) <\/br><\/p>\n<p>An exceptional commitment to \u2018permanent militarism\u2019 has profoundly negative implications politically, economically and socially for the United States. This permanent militarism has important implications for Canada.For three-generations, the United States has been committed to sustaining a massive permanent military establishment \u2013 accounting for nearly half of the world\u2019s military spending. Proponents of Pentagon spending tout the economic spin-offs \u2013 the jobs and investment \u2013 which they argue flow from military procurement. However, these spinoffs come at a price.1.In terms of politics, the maintenance of a warfare state corrodes public finances. 2.In terms of economics, the very large role of the Pentagon as a consumer of manufacturing products and technological expertise, distorts corporate culture in the U.S., creating long-term dependency on war-procurement in key industries.3.The social impacts are harder to quantify but are perhaps the most important. Distorted by war in its public policy, the U.S. is also distorted by gun violence in its everyday life.This analysis is immediately relevant for Canada. The U.S. Department of Commerce has slapped massive duties on exports of Bombardier airplanes, siding with Boeing in a complaint filed against Bombardier. But Boeing is one of the key aerospace players that only exists because of the half-hidden government subsidy to its business arising from dependence on Pentagon contracts.<\/p>\n<h5>A Marxist Analysis of War As A Disability-Production Mechanism: Imperialism, Nationalism, and Processes of Disablement in the Iranian and Kurdish War Survivors<\/h5>\n<p>Sona Kazemi, University of Toronto (Toronto, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>This article is a summary of two intertwined parts of a much larger project, which studied war and the resulting production of disabled bodies, analyzed in a dialectical (i.e., not linear, oppositional, binary, idealist, or mechanical) and historical materialist (DHM) framework. This article comprises a summarized report of the analysis of a case study, which studied the processes and relations of disablement in the Kurdish (e.g., Halabja) and Iranian (e.g., Nesar Direh, Zardeh, Baneh, and Sardasht) survivors of the Iran-Iraq war, in which chemical weapons were used. This article provides a comprehensive DHM analysis of the case study, organized in two parts: (1) \u2018processes of disablement\u2019 that are carried out through (2) \u2018social relations\u2019. Processes included production of disability, as well as perpetuation of disablement, as a gendered and classed socially-organized condition. The processes and relations are linked with each other dialectically. This means that they are intertwined \u2013 not easy to be dissected, because relations carry out processes, and processes, in turn, (re)produce relations. Through the original project which is partially reflected in this paper, I studied the global context of capitalist economy, patriarchy, and the imperialist politics of the U.S. and Europe in the Middle East to understand how disabled bodies are generated through armed conflicts sustained by imperialist, patriarchal, sectarian, jihadist, and nationalist social relations (always gendered, raced, and classed). My standpoint, as a war-survivor Middle Eastern woman, is informed by a critical analysis of the current geopolitics, examined in the context of the war in order to defetishize the concept of disability further in the field toward an active revolutionary knowledge and praxis.<\/p>\n<h5>Lenin Theory of Imperialism Then and Now <\/h5>\n<p>Paramjit  Singh, Panjab University (Chandigarh, Inde)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>After 100 years of its publication, Lenin\u2019s theory of imperialism is still relevant for understanding the logic of capitalist accumulation at world scale. From the very beginning, due to its very nature, capitalism is a world-wide phenomenon. Lenin highlighted the global character of capitalism during the late 19th and beginning of 20th century. The concentration and centralisation of industrial capital on the one hand and banking capital on the other had resulted in the rise of finance capital. During that phase the concentration and centralisation of capital reached to its higher levels that necessitated the need for export of capital. The emergence of finance capital along with the growth of monopolies and export of capital was characterised by Lenin as imperialism. The characteristic which were highlighted by the Lenin in his theory of imperialism requires update and revision in order to understand the imperialistic characteristics of contemporary capitalism. This paper is an attempt to look into the contemporary phase of capitalism and its imperialistic nature. For that purpose, the present paper is divided into three parts. The first part highlights difference between the finance capitalism of Lenin\u2019s time and the emergence of financialisation of accumulation during present times. The second part examines the Lenin thesis of export of capital and the present phase of globalisation of capital. The third part highlights the process of proletarianisation of southern labour as a consequence of the accumulation at world scale that was not directly addressed by Lenin in his theory. The concluding part compares the crisis of capitalism and the possibilities of decay of capitalism in Lenin\u2019s analysis and present times. <\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Inderjeet Singh, Punjabi University (Patiala, Inde)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5>Historic Bloc in Crisis?  The impact of the Trump Presidency on the historic bloc of neoliberalism<\/h5>\n<p>Yiming He, York University (Toronto, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>The election of Donald Trump to the US presidency in 2016 has many implications for international politics and for the future of the global balance of power. The trend in scholarship thus far as been an over-emphasis on Trump\u2019s statements and policies on NATO, free trade, and economic protectionism as indicators of shifting American commitment to the liberal international order. This state-centric approach focuses primarily on American\u2019s material capabilities, and the shifting balance of power from the West to the East. However, in doing so, it neglects the power of social and class forces within the United States and its impact on the international order led by the United States. Using a Gramscian approach, particularly Gramsci\u2019s concept of the historic bloc, I will analyze the composition of both the Democratic and Republican parties, and explain how the social and class forces within both parties effect American\u2019s ability to maintain its dominant position within international politics. By applying the Gramscian approach, I will demonstrate that although the historical bloc of neoliberalism, which was reconstituted in the 1970s, is unravelling in both parties, American\u2019s dominant position within the world order is not in immediate crisis. In addition, by using Gramsci, I will highlight some of the preconditions that can lead to the end of the neoliberal historical bloc, and how (a potential) new (capitalist) historical bloc may be reconstituted, both within the United States and within the global order. <\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">La R\u00e9volution syrienne, l&rsquo;imp\u00e9rialisme et la gauche <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#000; color:#fff\">Imp\u00e9rialisme<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Dim 9:30 &#8211; SH-2420 &#8211; FR &#8211; Atelier introductif<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc44\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">La r\u00e9volution syrienne est devenue un point de d\u00e9saccord principal opposant diff\u00e9rentes tendances de la gauche internationale. Alors que certains groupes ont soutenu la lutte h\u00e9ro\u00efque des Syriens sans h\u00e9sitation, nombreux sont ceux qui l&rsquo;ont trahis. Beaucoup d&rsquo;intellectuels de gauche ont m\u00eame refus\u00e9 de montrer de l&#8217;empathie envers la population syrienne qui se bat contre la dictature alors qu&rsquo;ils l&rsquo;ont fait volontiers pour les soci\u00e9t\u00e9s tunisienne et \u00e9gyptienne. Pire encore, certains n&rsquo;ont pas h\u00e9&#8230;<\/p>\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Yasser Munif, Emerson College (Boston, USA) <\/br>Oula Hajjar, Tadamon! (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Joseph Daher, Syria Freedom Forever (Lausanne, Suisse)<\/br>Ashley Smith, International Socialist Organization (Burlington, USA)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc44\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">La R\u00e9volution syrienne, l&rsquo;imp\u00e9rialisme et la gauche <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>La r\u00e9volution syrienne est devenue un point de d\u00e9saccord principal opposant diff\u00e9rentes tendances de la gauche internationale. Alors que certains groupes ont soutenu la lutte h\u00e9ro\u00efque des Syriens sans h\u00e9sitation, nombreux sont ceux qui l&rsquo;ont trahis. Beaucoup d&rsquo;intellectuels de gauche ont m\u00eame refus\u00e9 de montrer de l&#8217;empathie envers la population syrienne qui se bat contre la dictature alors qu&rsquo;ils l&rsquo;ont fait volontiers pour les soci\u00e9t\u00e9s tunisienne et \u00e9gyptienne. Pire encore, certains n&rsquo;ont pas h\u00e9sit\u00e9 \u00e0 soutenir la barbarie du r\u00e9gime syrien sous pr\u00e9texte que ce dernier s&rsquo;opposait \u00e0 un pr\u00e9tendu complot imp\u00e9rialiste. En r\u00e9alit\u00e9, ces derniers ont tout fait pour appuyer les forces qui voulaient barrer, par tous les moyens, la route aux Syriens qui se sont soulev\u00e9s contre une dictature qui r\u00e8gne par la force et la terreur depuis presque cinquante ans. Au nom de l&rsquo;anti-imp\u00e9rialisme, ils ont l\u00e9gitim\u00e9 leur opposition \u00e0 la lutte populaire pour la libert\u00e9, la dignit\u00e9, et la justice. Ce panel propose une grille de lecture pour comprendre les luttes de base contre le r\u00e9gime d&rsquo;Assad ainsi que leur impactes sur les r\u00e9alit\u00e9s g\u00e9opolitiques, sociales, et culturelles en Syrie et dans la r\u00e9gion. Les pan\u00e9listes analyseront les exp\u00e9riences des r\u00e9fugi\u00e9s syriens vivant au Canada et en Allemagne ainsi que les d\u00e9cisions politiques prise en cons\u00e9quence par ces gouvernements. Les pr\u00e9sentateurs discuteront \u00e9galement les luttes des Kurdes Syriens. Le panel proposera des outils analytiques pour appr\u00e9hender la complexit\u00e9 de la r\u00e9volte syrienne et les strat\u00e9gies \u00e0 adopter pour faire un front \u00e9thique et politique aux imp\u00e9rialismes pluriels.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p>Yasser Munif, Emerson College (Boston, USA) <\/br><\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Oula Hajjar, Tadamon! (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Joseph Daher, Syria Freedom Forever (Lausanne, Suisse)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Ashley Smith, International Socialist Organization (Burlington, USA)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Marx apr\u00e8s L\u00e9nine <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#000; color:#fff\">Imp\u00e9rialisme<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Dim 9:30 &#8211; SH-3340 &#8211; EN &#8211; Atelier avanc\u00e9<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc149\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Kanishka Goonewardena, University of Toronto (Toronto, Canada)<\/br>Ken Kawashima, University of Toronto (Toronto, Canada)<\/br>Sandeep Banerjee, McGill University (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc149\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Marx apr\u00e8s L\u00e9nine <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5>Marx apr\u00e8s L\u00e9nine \/ Marx after Lenin<\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<p>This panel explores the theoretical productivity and political potential of a return to Marx after Lenin, drawing attention to key questions and concepts between their thought that continue to animate our present, but that are often obscured by radical analyses of the present conjuncture that exclude Lenin\u2019s analysis of imperialism. How does Lenin\u2019s analysis of the present situation, as well as his analysis of imperialism and revolution, necessarily relate back to Marx\u2019s method in Capital?\u00a0How does our analysis of the present situation today require a methodological division of labour (\u201clevels of analysis\u201d) between Marx and Lenin? How must \u201chistorical and dialectical materialism\u201d be advanced today by a return to Marx after Lenin?<\/p>\n<h5>Marx, Lenin and the Historical Geography of Imperialism<\/h5>\n<p>Kanishka Goonewardena, University of Toronto (Toronto, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Was there or could there ever be capitalism without imperialism? And: could there be a theory of capitalism without a concept of imperialism? This presentation brings Lenin to bear on Marx by way of these two historical and theoretical questions, so as to highlight the necessity of reading Marx, who spoke of so-called original accumulation and colonialism while outlining the \u2018laws of motion\u2019 of capital, through Lenin, the theoretician of imperialism in the conjuncture of the First World War. In so doing, it will also sketch the outlines of a historical geography of the concept of imperialism since Lenin, in order to explicate the nature of contemporary relations between imperialism and capitalism.<\/p>\n<h5>Capitalist Crisis: Marx avec Sade, Lenin avec Freud<\/h5>\n<p>Ken Kawashima, University of Toronto (Toronto, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>In Marx\u2019s analysis of the laws of motion of the capitalist mode of production, crisis represents capital\u2019s \u201crepetition compulsion\u201d. Crisis recalls the accidental and traumatic origins of capitalism, but in the inverted form of \u201cexcess capital alongside surplus populations,\u201d or \u201cpoverty in the midst of wealth.\u201d The inversion of these origins is never fully complete in history, however. Rather, it is constantly attended by perversion, especially in the stage of imperialism, which repeats the traumatic origins of capitalism in the colonies, culminating in war. Marxism must subvert these forms of perversion, disclosed in capital\u2019s \u201cprimitive accumulation,\u201d as well as in the repetition compulsion of crisis in the stage of imperialism. Thus, we consider Marx avec Sade and Lenin avec Freud.<\/p>\n<h5>\u00c0 Venir<\/h5>\n<p>Sandeep Banerjee, McGill University (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"row themeprogback\" style=\"background-image: url(https:\/\/thegreattransition.net\/wp-content\/uploads\/2018\/02\/economy.jpg)\" id=\"8\">\n<div class=\"themetitle\" style=\"background-color: #0d004e;\">\n<h4 class=\"themefont\" style=\"color: #fff;\">N\u00e9olib\u00e9ralisme, finance et mondialisation<\/h4>\n<\/p><\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"row horaireback\">\n<div class=\"col-sm-2 col-xs-5\">                            <\/div>\n<div class=\"col-sm-10 col-xs-12\">\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">La dette: entre croissance et crise <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#0d004e; color:#fff\">N\u00e9olib\u00e9ralisme, finance et mondialisation<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Ven 9:30 &#8211; PK-R605 &#8211; FR &#8211; Atelier introductif<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc1\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">Nous souhaitons explorer les contradictions du r\u00e9gime \u00e9conomique qui se d\u00e9ploie depuis une trentaine d&rsquo;ann\u00e9es au Qu\u00e9bec et au Canada comme dans les pays anglo-saxons, et qui est marqu\u00e9 par la financiarisation de l&rsquo;\u00e9pargne et de la consommation des m\u00e9nages. Pour ce faire, nous nous int\u00e9resserons \u00e0 la dynamique entre la dimension id\u00e9ologique du capitalisme et la condition \u00e9conomique des salari\u00e9s. Nous examinerons d&rsquo;abord les plus r\u00e9centes donn\u00e9es sur l&rsquo;endettement des m\u00e9nages au Canada. Ensuite, n&#8230;<\/p>\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Julia Posca, Institut de recherche et d&rsquo;informations socio-\u00e9conomiques (IRIS) (Montr\u00e9al, Canada) <\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc1\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">La dette: entre croissance et crise <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Nous souhaitons explorer les contradictions du r\u00e9gime \u00e9conomique qui se d\u00e9ploie depuis une trentaine d&rsquo;ann\u00e9es au Qu\u00e9bec et au Canada comme dans les pays anglo-saxons, et qui est marqu\u00e9 par la financiarisation de l&rsquo;\u00e9pargne et de la consommation des m\u00e9nages. Pour ce faire, nous nous int\u00e9resserons \u00e0 la dynamique entre la dimension id\u00e9ologique du capitalisme et la condition \u00e9conomique des salari\u00e9s. Nous examinerons d&rsquo;abord les plus r\u00e9centes donn\u00e9es sur l&rsquo;endettement des m\u00e9nages au Canada. Ensuite, nous nous int\u00e9resserons aux discours qui l\u00e9gitiment le recours au cr\u00e9dit et aux v\u00e9hicules financiers d&rsquo;\u00e9pargne et de placement. Nous verrons notamment la place qu&rsquo;occupe le risque dans le rapport au cr\u00e9dit. Finalement, nous mettrons en lumi\u00e8re les limites tant \u00e9conomique qu&rsquo;\u00e9cologique de ce r\u00e9gime.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p>Julia Posca, Institut de recherche et d&rsquo;informations socio-\u00e9conomiques (IRIS) (Montr\u00e9al, Canada) <\/br><\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Jeunesse, n\u00e9olib\u00e9ralisme et \u00e9mancipation <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#0d004e; color:#fff\">N\u00e9olib\u00e9ralisme, finance et mondialisation<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Ven 9:30 &#8211; PK-1350 &#8211; EN &#8211; Atelier introductif<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc100\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Onur Kapdan, UC Santa Barbara (Santa Barbara, CA, \u00c9tats-Unis) <\/br>Diandra Oliver, Simon Fraser University \/ Space Collective (Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc100\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Jeunesse, n\u00e9olib\u00e9ralisme et \u00e9mancipation <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5>Youth\u2019s Subjectivity Today: Neoliberal Residues and Prospects for Emancipation<\/h5>\n<p>Onur Kapdan, UC Santa Barbara (Santa Barbara, CA, \u00c9tats-Unis) <\/br><\/p>\n<p>This presentation offers a critical appraisal of the youth\u2019s radical subjectivity in the light of the post-2008 wave of protests and uprising. Their important role in the events, particularly those who had lacked prior political engagement, requires activists and scholars to engage with the youth as a subjectivity-in-itself, which parallels but also intersects with class, race, and gender. Drawing from my dissertation research, this presentation argues youth\u2019s unique position for processes of capitalist reproduction (victims but also agents for the future) indicates weaker alienation and a closeness to radical imagination (to one\u2019s self as Marx put it) as well as technological savvy. As the post-2008 wave has shown communication, playfulness, new technologies, and proto-communard tendencies constitute the youth\u2019s emancipatory potential. On the other hand, any serious engagement with the youth\u2019s subjectivity today need to acknowledge the incompleteness of these contestations and the contradictory generational politics. The youth\u2019s contestation was, on the whole, confused and oscillated between alter-capitalist and anti-capitalist dispositions. In some cases, the youth\u2019s subjectivity has also opened way for offensives from the right as in the case of re-emergence of fascism in the US, the military rule in Egypt, or the parliamentary coup in Brazil. These confusions demonstrate the presence of residues of neoliberalism in the youth\u2019s subjectivity, which have commodified and individualized demands for autonomy, creativity, and liberation while delegitimizing organized ideological politics. The presentation concludes by suggesting re-articulating a humanist critique of alienation under capitalism in addition to the structuralist critique of exploitation may allow the left to capture the emancipatory potential of the youth.<\/p>\n<h5>Flesh without blood: A political economy of youth in capitalism<\/h5>\n<p>Diandra Oliver, Simon Fraser University \/ Space Collective (Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>As the global financial crisis of 2008 bled into the debt crisis in the Eurozone, and as neoliberal capitalism continues to leave us for dead, young people are disproportionately cast from the economy, the result being nothing less than a calamity. The ensuing economic insecurity of young people takes shape in an unfolding struggle for agency and life. Rooted in a deep intersectional discourse, this presentation considers the emergent opportunity we have to re-ask, and re-position, what Piketty (2013) refers to as \u201cflesh and blood\u201d citizens\u2014namely youth\u2014at the centre of our analysis. A political-economic analysis that puts the agency of youth at its axis can illuminate the diverse ways youth navigate a financial crisis that, for many, has no start or end date. The presentation works through some of the questions we may begin to ask from this new position: how is the category of youth constituted by youths\u2019 relationship to capitalism and crisis? What does a young person\u2019s unaccounted for economic situation look like across multiple intersectional identities, and how can political economy be used as a tool to reconsider our commitment to radical solutions? This presentation aims to breathe life into the political economy of financial crisis by challenging the very grown-up assumption that the experience and wisdom of adults can tell us best about young people\u2019s current situation. Arguing that the agency of youth in capitalism is an integral lens that we have a responsibility to attend to, the presentation calls on political economy to wriggle free of some of its adult comforts so that we stop capitalism from destroying everything we love.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">L\u2019altermondialisme et le Forum social mondial<span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#0d004e; color:#fff\">N\u00e9olib\u00e9ralisme, finance et mondialisation<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Ven 9:30 &#8211; PK-1780 &#8211; FR &#8211; Atelier introductif<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc156\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Christophe Aguiton, Universit\u00e9 Paris-Est Marne-la-Vall\u00e9e (Paris, France) <\/br>Raphael Canet, Universit\u00e9 d&rsquo;Ottawa (Ottawa, Canada)<\/br>Isabelle L&rsquo;H\u00e9ritier, Greenpeace (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Animation: Pierre Beaudet<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc156\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">L\u2019altermondialisme et le Forum social mondial<\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<p>Christophe Aguiton, Universit\u00e9 Paris-Est Marne-la-Vall\u00e9e (Paris, France) <\/br><\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Raphael Canet, Universit\u00e9 d&rsquo;Ottawa (Ottawa, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Isabelle L&rsquo;H\u00e9ritier, Greenpeace (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<p>Animation: Pierre Beaudet<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Accumulation pr\u00e9caire III &#8211; Le n\u00e9olib\u00e9ralisme au 21e si\u00e8cle <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#0d004e; color:#fff\">N\u00e9olib\u00e9ralisme, finance et mondialisation<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Ven 14:00 &#8211; SH-3220 &#8211; EN &#8211; Atelier avanc\u00e9<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc48\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">This third panel in the \u00ab\u00a0Precarious Accumulation serie\u00a0\u00bb will consider: The current contours of neoliberalism;The ramifications of the turn to right-wing populism, symbolized for instance by Trump and Brexit;The uneven impact of both \u2013 contemporary neoliberalism and First World populism \u2013 on development prospects outside the core of the system\u00a0\u00bb<\/p>\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Sune Sandbeck, York University (Toronto, Canada) <\/br>Niko Block, York University (Toronto, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Animation: Susan Spronk<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc48\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Accumulation pr\u00e9caire III &#8211; Le n\u00e9olib\u00e9ralisme au 21e si\u00e8cle <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>This third panel in the \u00ab\u00a0Precarious Accumulation serie\u00a0\u00bb will consider: The current contours of neoliberalism;The ramifications of the turn to right-wing populism, symbolized for instance by Trump and Brexit;The uneven impact of both \u2013 contemporary neoliberalism and First World populism \u2013 on development prospects outside the core of the system\u00a0\u00bb<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p>Sune Sandbeck, York University (Toronto, Canada) <\/br><\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Niko Block, York University (Toronto, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<p>Animation: Susan Spronk<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Mondialisation, Usines, Zone de libre-\u00e9change <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#0d004e; color:#fff\">N\u00e9olib\u00e9ralisme, finance et mondialisation<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Ven 14:00 &#8211; PK-R310 &#8211; EN &#8211; Atelier avanc\u00e9<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc104\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Lucas Pinheiro, University of Chicago (Chicago, \u00c9tats-Unis) <\/br>Patrick Brodie, Concordia University (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Patrick Brian Smith, Mel Hoppenheim School of Cinema (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc104\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Mondialisation, Usines, Zone de libre-\u00e9change <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5>Forgotten Factories: From England\u2019s Workhouse to Amazon\u2019s Warehouse<\/h5>\n<p>Lucas Pinheiro, University of Chicago (Chicago, \u00c9tats-Unis) <\/br><\/p>\n<p>Where is the factory today? In the industrialized world, the answer seems to be increasingly \u201cnowhere.\u201d Since the 1970s, a wave of deindustrialization swept the industrialized world as factories relocated to developing economies in search of lower production costs. In this familiar narrative, factories in affluent countries were unseated by a thriving high-tech service sector. Today, we are led to believe, the factory appears to have finally disappeared. But if this is the case then why are legions of people still paid precariously by companies such as Google and Amazon to perform menial and repetitive tasks for longer and longer hours? Why are over 100,000 Internet workers worldwide tethered to assembly lines, confined in giant warehouses, and reined by strict managerial control? In answering these questions, this presentation tells a new story about the past and present of the factory system before and after the apogee of industrial modernity (1830s-1970s). The factory, I argue, has been fomenting in the background of modern Western institutions and discourses since the seventeenth century. It has been tucked away in workhouses, workshops, ship decks, sugar plantations, click-farms, and distribution centers where peasants, artisans, sailors, slaves, and tech workers were brought to heel by capital\u2019s reconfiguration of the social world long before the rise and well after the fall of industrial manufacturing. In recovering these forgotten histories of factory labor, I reimagine the factory as a physical and conceptual form of capitalist production whose organization of work predates and outlasts industrial capitalism. By reconstructing the emergence of the factory system in the British Empire (1692-1807) as well as its concealed reincarnation at Google and Amazon, I advance an alternative account of capitalist modernity through the factory\u2019s pre-industrial dawn and postindustrial afterlife, unraveling in turn the paralyzing impasses the factory continues to impose on economic life.  <\/p>\n<h5>Relics of Trade Liberalisation: Visually Mapping the Shannon Free Zone<\/h5>\n<p>Patrick Brodie, Concordia University (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Established in 1959 to attract foreign and regional investment, the Shannon Free Zone in County Clare, Ireland claims to be the world\u2019s first free trade zone. While now a free trade zone in name only, its model of the special economic zone (SEZ)\u2014a sequestered space of territorial and financial exception\u2014has been exported and implemented across the world. Driven by a motivation to document and visualize financialized spaces like the Shannon Free Zone, we embarked on a multi-media research-creation project aiming to \u201ccognitively map\u201d the abstract flows of capital through the area. Given the Shannon Free Zone\u2019s historical status as an early template for SEZ development and management, recording the space \u201cdeep maps\u201d by documenting, visualizing, and archiving material infrastructures of globalized trade and finance capital. While it provided a material and managerial template for free trade zone governance, Shannon did not become Dubai. The space contains traces of this unrealized potentiality, especially under its current re-development, but one must account for the Republic of Ireland\u2019s unique political and economic context when discussing and representing its present, past, and future state, especially in terms of re-configurations of work and protest. Confronting the institutional methodologies that drive emergent research-creation practices, our presentation asks key questions: How can we visualize the zones in which logistical networks and financial speculation come into contact in order to extricate their concrete entanglements? Where does on-the-ground research-creation fit into complex systems of governance and critique, design and disruption? It is impossible to impose dialectical oppositions to everyday contingency, social practices, relations, intimacies, and experiences. This presentation aims to interrogate how ethnographies of capitalism enter the lived experience of both the environments observed and the researchers involved. Any imagination of future politics must account for what it is like to live and work within these ruins of capitalist development.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Patrick Brian Smith, Mel Hoppenheim School of Cinema (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Financiarisation, crise financi\u00e8re, endettement <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#0d004e; color:#fff\">N\u00e9olib\u00e9ralisme, finance et mondialisation<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Ven 16:00 &#8211; SH-3220 &#8211; FR &#8211; Atelier introductif<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc39\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">La lecture \u00e9conomique de la crise financi\u00e8re de 2008 et de ces cons\u00e9quences se divise sur deux \u00e9chelles : 1) loin d\u2019encadrer davantage la finance, les nouveaux modes de r\u00e9gulation mis en place ont plut\u00f4t  normalis\u00e9 des pratiques financi\u00e8res risqu\u00e9es qui \u00e9taient au c\u0153ur m\u00eame du d\u00e9clenchement de la pr\u00e9c\u00e9dente crise; 2) Pour le Canada, on remarque un d\u00e9veloppement accru des activit\u00e9s sp\u00e9culatives vers deux valeurs-refuges que sont l\u2019immobilier et les ressources naturelles. La lecture politique de l&#8230;<\/p>\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Audrey Laurin-Lamothe, Universit\u00e9 du Qu\u00e9bec en Outaouais (Gatineau, Canada)<\/br>Mathieu Perron-Dufour, Universit\u00e9 du Qu\u00e9bec en Outaouais (Hull, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc39\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Financiarisation, crise financi\u00e8re, endettement <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>La lecture \u00e9conomique de la crise financi\u00e8re de 2008 et de ces cons\u00e9quences se divise sur deux \u00e9chelles : 1) loin d\u2019encadrer davantage la finance, les nouveaux modes de r\u00e9gulation mis en place ont plut\u00f4t  normalis\u00e9 des pratiques financi\u00e8res risqu\u00e9es qui \u00e9taient au c\u0153ur m\u00eame du d\u00e9clenchement de la pr\u00e9c\u00e9dente crise; 2) Pour le Canada, on remarque un d\u00e9veloppement accru des activit\u00e9s sp\u00e9culatives vers deux valeurs-refuges que sont l\u2019immobilier et les ressources naturelles. La lecture politique de la crise financi\u00e8re est quant \u00e0 elle marqu\u00e9e par un renouvellement d\u2019int\u00e9r\u00eat pour le populisme, comme cat\u00e9gorie d\u2019appr\u00e9hension des polarisations sociales. L\u2019int\u00e9r\u00eat de notre d\u00e9marche se situe dans une vis\u00e9e plus large d\u2019articulation des multiples dimensions d\u2019une crise sous le mode capitaliste de production par l\u2019int\u00e9gration de discours r\u00e9pondant \u00e0 des paradigmes diff\u00e9rents, voire divergents, qui nous m\u00e8nerait vers une th\u00e9orie de la praxis en moment de crise.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Audrey Laurin-Lamothe, Universit\u00e9 du Qu\u00e9bec en Outaouais (Gatineau, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Mathieu Perron-Dufour, Universit\u00e9 du Qu\u00e9bec en Outaouais (Hull, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">L&rsquo;action politique des mouvements sociaux contre le n\u00e9olib\u00e9ralisme 2.0 <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#0d004e; color:#fff\">N\u00e9olib\u00e9ralisme, finance et mondialisation<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Sam 9:30 &#8211; SH-2420 &#8211; FR &#8211; Atelier introductif<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc152\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">Nous sommes loin du contexte des grandes mobilisations altermondialistes du d\u00e9but du si\u00e8cle. Les mobilisations sont faibles contre les n\u00e9gociations sur l&rsquo;AL\u00c9NA ou la rencontre du G7 en juin. Pourtant cette rencontre marquera certainement la conjoncture alors que Donald Trump tente de confirmer l&rsquo;h\u00e9g\u00e9monie am\u00e9ricaine au sein de ces pays les mieux nantis de la plan\u00e8te. Comment les mouvements sociaux peuvent-ils renouveler les concertations et les mobilisations plus politiques des organisations soc&#8230;<\/p>\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Dominique Daigneault, pr\u00e9sidente du Conseil central du Montr\u00e9al m\u00e9tropolitain (CSN) (Montr\u00e9al, Canada) <\/br>V\u00e9ronique Laflamme, FRAPRU (Qu\u00e9bec, Canada)<\/br>Christophe Aguiton, Universit\u00e9 Paris-Est Marne-la-Vall\u00e9e (Paris, France)<\/br>Claude Vaillancourt, Attac-Qu\u00e9bec (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Animation: Ronald Cameron<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc152\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">L&rsquo;action politique des mouvements sociaux contre le n\u00e9olib\u00e9ralisme 2.0 <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Nous sommes loin du contexte des grandes mobilisations altermondialistes du d\u00e9but du si\u00e8cle. Les mobilisations sont faibles contre les n\u00e9gociations sur l&rsquo;AL\u00c9NA ou la rencontre du G7 en juin. Pourtant cette rencontre marquera certainement la conjoncture alors que Donald Trump tente de confirmer l&rsquo;h\u00e9g\u00e9monie am\u00e9ricaine au sein de ces pays les mieux nantis de la plan\u00e8te. Comment les mouvements sociaux peuvent-ils renouveler les concertations et les mobilisations plus politiques des organisations sociales contre la nouvelle offensive n\u00e9olib\u00e9rale\u2009? \u00c0 partir des exp\u00e9riences d&rsquo;ici et d&rsquo;ailleurs, l&rsquo;objectif de la discussion vise \u00e0 circonscrire les conditions de la relance des mobilisations et de l&rsquo;action politique des mouvements sociaux.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p>Dominique Daigneault, pr\u00e9sidente du Conseil central du Montr\u00e9al m\u00e9tropolitain (CSN) (Montr\u00e9al, Canada) <\/br><\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>V\u00e9ronique Laflamme, FRAPRU (Qu\u00e9bec, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Christophe Aguiton, Universit\u00e9 Paris-Est Marne-la-Vall\u00e9e (Paris, France)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Claude Vaillancourt, Attac-Qu\u00e9bec (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<p>Animation: Ronald Cameron<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"row themeprogback\" style=\"background-image: url(https:\/\/thegreattransition.net\/wp-content\/uploads\/2018\/02\/partis2.jpg)\" id=\"9\">\n<div class=\"themetitle\" style=\"background-color: #fdba00;\">\n<h4 class=\"themefont\" style=\"color: #000;\">\u00c9tat et partis politiques<\/h4>\n<\/p><\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"row horaireback\">\n<div class=\"col-sm-2 col-xs-5\">                            <\/div>\n<div class=\"col-sm-10 col-xs-12\">\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">\u00c9tat, h\u00e9g\u00e9monie et transition vers le socialisme : penser notre monde avec Gramsci et Poulantzas <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#fdba00; color:#000\">\u00c9tat et partis politiques<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Ven 14:00 &#8211; PK-R650 &#8211; FR &#8211; Atelier introductif<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc68\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Emanuel Guay, McGill University (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Maristella Svampa, Universidad Nacional de La Plata (La Plata, Argentine)<\/br>Efe Peker, McGill University (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>William Lewis, Skidmore College (Saratoga Springs, NY, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Animation: Pierre Beaudet<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc68\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">\u00c9tat, h\u00e9g\u00e9monie et transition vers le socialisme : penser notre monde avec Gramsci et Poulantzas <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Notre \u00e9poque est travers\u00e9e par de profonds bouleversements, \u00e0 la fois environnementaux, \u00e9conomiques et sociaux. Devant cela, l\u2019horizon et les chemins de l\u2019\u00e9mancipation demeurent difficiles \u00e0 tracer. Deux penseurs nous semblent particuli\u00e8rement pertinents pour alimenter notre r\u00e9flexion, en l\u2019occurrence Antonio Gramsci et Nicos Poulantzas. Ces deux th\u00e9oriciens ont tent\u00e9 d\u2019expliquer la d\u00e9faite des mouvements socialistes de la premi\u00e8re moiti\u00e9 du si\u00e8cle dernier \u2013 alors que les mouvements populaires montaient, selon l\u2019expression consacr\u00e9e, \u00ab\u00e0 l\u2019assaut du ciel\u00bb.  En mobilisant leurs concepts (h\u00e9g\u00e9monie, r\u00e9volution passive, guerre de position, etc.) et leurs conceptions respectives de l\u2019\u00c9tat, la soci\u00e9t\u00e9 civile, etc., nous tenterons d\u2019analyser cet h\u00e9ritage et surtout, d\u2019amorcer une discussion sur les strat\u00e9gies de transition qui s\u2019offrent \u00e0 nous.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Emanuel Guay, McGill University (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Emanuel Guay, pour sa part, partagera des r\u00e9flexions sur les possibilit\u00e9s de concilier socialisme et d\u00e9mocratie tout en allant au-del\u00e0 du mod\u00e8le social-d\u00e9mocrate, en comparant notamment Gramsci et Poulantzas sur la question de la transition d\u00e9mocratique vers le socialisme. Comment r\u00e9fl\u00e9chir politiquement la social-d\u00e9mocratie ? Quels liens met-elle en lumi\u00e8re entre les r\u00e9formes imm\u00e9diates et l\u2019horizon r\u00e9volutionnaire ? Comment une convergence des forces social-d\u00e9mocrates et socialistes pourrait contribuer au recul de l\u2019offensive n\u00e9olib\u00e9rale aujourd\u2019hui, puis au d\u00e9passement du capitalisme \u00e0 plus long terme ? <\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Maristella Svampa, Universidad Nacional de La Plata (La Plata, Argentine)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Maristella Svampa discutera, en s\u2019inspirant des id\u00e9es de Gramsci et Poulantzas, de l\u2019exp\u00e9rience tr\u00e8s riche de l\u2019Argentine des derni\u00e8res ann\u00e9es \u00e0 travers l\u2019essor des mouvements populaires, la mise en place puis le d\u00e9clin de gouvernements dits progressistes et les perspectives actuelles de reconstruction d\u2019un p\u00f4le strat\u00e9gique \u00e0 travers les luttes \u00e9co-territoriales.\u00a0\u00bb<\/p>\n<h5>Religious Populism in the Neoliberal Age<\/h5>\n<p>Efe Peker, McGill University (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>The development of neoliberalism since the 1980s has been investigated extensively within the critical social sciences. Parallel in time with the rise of neoliberalism, another well-documented tendency has been the \u201cgoing public\u201d of religions around the world, where they began taking an increasingly visible role in social and political life. Yet the two phenomena, scrutinized above all by political sociology and the sociology of religion, respectively, have been studied in virtual isolation from each other. Whereas political sociology largely neglected the empirical examination of contemporary religions, the sociology of religion failed to incorporate structural analyses and went on to treat religion frequently as an independent variable. To contribute to bridging the gap between the social scientific understanding of neoliberalism and religions, this paper proposes a research agenda that situates the global religious revivalism of the last few decades in the context of geographically specific neoliberal transformations. More particularly, the aim here is to identify the various ways in which religion has been utilised as a source of populist politics legitimating and underpinning neoliberalism. Through a cross-religious and cross-regional comparative framework that features examples from the US, Qu\u00e9bec and Canada, France, Turkey, India, and Eastern Europe, the paper outlines how religious institutions, doctrines, and social groups may interact with sociopolitical power in the neoliberal age.<\/p>\n<h5>Althusser sur la transformation r\u00e9volutionnaire\u00a0: Une reconstruction de sa th\u00e9orie suivie d\u2019une critique.<\/h5>\n<p>William Lewis, Skidmore College (Saratoga Springs, NY, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>        Au fond, l\u2019int\u00e9r\u00eat d\u2019Althusser pour l\u2019\u00c9tat et pour ses lois \u00e9tait motiv\u00e9 par une question. Cette question est de savoir si un \u00e9tat peut \u00eatre transform\u00e9 \u00e0 l\u2019int\u00e9rieur et par ses propres moyens m\u00eame si cet \u00e9tat est construit pour ne servir que les int\u00e9r\u00eats d\u2019une classe sociale sp\u00e9cifique. C\u2019est-\u00e0-dire, est-il possible de modifier l\u2019\u00e9tat pour qu\u2019il puisse servir les int\u00e9r\u00eats d\u2019une autre classe ou m\u00eame, d\u2019une fa\u00e7on plus d\u00e9mocratique, pour qu\u2019il puisse servir les int\u00e9r\u00eats et besoins de tous ses sujets ? Selon Althusser, la difficult\u00e9 de cette question r\u00e9side dans le fait que la tradition marxiste ne nous a fourni presque aucun conseil sur ce sujet. \u00ab Dans tout ce que Marx nous a laiss\u00e9 \u00bb Althusser \u00e9crivait en 1978, \u00ab il y a tr\u00e8s peu de chose sur ce qu\u2019il appelait la \u2018superstructure\u2019\u2014 savoir le droit, l\u2019\u00c9tat, et les \u2018formes id\u00e9ologiques.\u2019 [e]t la tradition marxiste n\u2019a rien ajout\u00e9 \u00e0 ce que Marx nous a laiss\u00e9. \u00bb        Pour Althusser, pour fournir une r\u00e9ponse \u00e0 cette question, on doit faire fond sur plusieurs indices que Marx et la tradition marxiste nous ont l\u00e9gu\u00e9s. Heureusement, Althusser a eu pour r\u00e9pondre \u00e0 cette question sa profonde connaissance de l\u2019histoire de la philosophie politique et ses th\u00e9ories de l\u2019\u00e9tat de Machiavel \u00e0 Gramsci. En plus, il a pu profiter de ses propres concepts et de ses analyses des relations causales qui tiennent aux diff\u00e9rents niveaux des pratiques humaines qui constituent la totalit\u00e9 socio-\u00e9conomique. Si nous lisons ensemble les arguments qu\u2019Althusser formait de ces \u00e9l\u00e9ments, nous pouvons construire une th\u00e9orie althuss\u00e9rienne de l\u2019Etat, de la loi, et de la transformation possible de tous les deux. La construction de cette th\u00e9orie ou, pour \u00eatre plus pr\u00e9cis, la reconstruction raisonnable de cette th\u00e9orie ainsi que son critique sont les objectifs principaux de mon intervention ici propos\u00e9e. <\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<p>Animation: Pierre Beaudet<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Strat\u00e9gie \u00e9lectorale de gauche aux \u00c9tats-Unis <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#fdba00; color:#000\">\u00c9tat et partis politiques<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Sam 9:30 &#8211; SH-3420 &#8211; EN(Traduction disponible) &#8211; Atelier introductif<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc82\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">The oldest political dispute inside the U.S. Left is not going away anytime soon. Revelations about the DNC\u2019s rigging of the Democratic Party primary for Hillary Clinton and the local victories of socialists in the November 2017 elections have added fuel to the fire of that age-old question: How should socialists and the labor movement confront the two-party system? This panel seeks to take a fresh look at this controversial question by critically examining past and present attempts to promote i&#8230;<\/p>\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Eric  Blanc, New York University (New York, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br>Chris Maisano, Democratic Socialists of America, Jacobin Magazine (Brooklyn, NY, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br>Meagan Day, Jacobin Magazine (New York, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br>Neal Meyer, NYC DSA Steering Committee (New York, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc82\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Strat\u00e9gie \u00e9lectorale de gauche aux \u00c9tats-Unis <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>The oldest political dispute inside the U.S. Left is not going away anytime soon. Revelations about the DNC\u2019s rigging of the Democratic Party primary for Hillary Clinton and the local victories of socialists in the November 2017 elections have added fuel to the fire of that age-old question: How should socialists and the labor movement confront the two-party system? This panel seeks to take a fresh look at this controversial question by critically examining past and present attempts to promote independent working-class political action in the face of the anti-democratic U.S. political regime.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5>The Teacher Rebellions and Electoral Politics<\/h5>\n<p>Eric  Blanc, New York University (New York, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5>What is the Nature of the US Political Regime?<\/h5>\n<p>Chris Maisano, Democratic Socialists of America, Jacobin Magazine (Brooklyn, NY, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5>Bernie Sanders and the Socialist Left<\/h5>\n<p>Meagan Day, Jacobin Magazine (New York, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5>Can the Left Take Over the Democratic Party?<\/h5>\n<p>Neal Meyer, NYC DSA Steering Committee (New York, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Les exp\u00e9riences de gouvernement de la gauche radicale: le\u00e7ons et d\u00e9fis \u00e0 relever <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#fdba00; color:#000\">\u00c9tat et partis politiques<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Sam 9:30 &#8211; SH-2800 &#8211; FR(Traduction disponible) &#8211; Atelier avanc\u00e9<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc13\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">La technocratie d\u2019\u00ab extr\u00eame-centre \u00bb, bien en scelle \u00e0 la t\u00eate des gouvernements n\u00e9olib\u00e9raux des derni\u00e8res d\u00e9cennies a r\u00e9cemment \u00e9t\u00e9 d\u00e9bord\u00e9e sur sa droite (extr\u00eame-droite populiste) et sur sa gauche (partis de la gauche radicale) dans diff\u00e9rents pays occidentaux. Ce panel se penchera sur les le\u00e7ons des exp\u00e9riences historiques et r\u00e9centes de la gauche radicale gouvernementale afin d\u2019explorer les d\u00e9fis que pose la possibilit\u00e9 r\u00e9elle de prise du pouvoir par certains partis de \u00ab gauche de la gauche&#8230;<\/p>\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Xavier Lafrance, Universit\u00e9 du Qu\u00e9bec \u00e0 Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada) <\/br>Alexandre Lemay-Roche, Universit\u00e9 du Qu\u00e9bec \u00e0 Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Christian P\u00e9pin, York University (Toronto, Canada)<\/br>Ren\u00e9 Rojas, Hobart and William Smith Colleges (New York, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc13\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Les exp\u00e9riences de gouvernement de la gauche radicale: le\u00e7ons et d\u00e9fis \u00e0 relever <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>La technocratie d\u2019\u00ab extr\u00eame-centre \u00bb, bien en scelle \u00e0 la t\u00eate des gouvernements n\u00e9olib\u00e9raux des derni\u00e8res d\u00e9cennies a r\u00e9cemment \u00e9t\u00e9 d\u00e9bord\u00e9e sur sa droite (extr\u00eame-droite populiste) et sur sa gauche (partis de la gauche radicale) dans diff\u00e9rents pays occidentaux. Ce panel se penchera sur les le\u00e7ons des exp\u00e9riences historiques et r\u00e9centes de la gauche radicale gouvernementale afin d\u2019explorer les d\u00e9fis que pose la possibilit\u00e9 r\u00e9elle de prise du pouvoir par certains partis de \u00ab gauche de la gauche \u00bb \u00e0 court et \u00e0 plus long terme. Nous nous pencherons d\u2019abord sur le contexte de l\u2019\u00e9conomie politique actuelle et les d\u00e9fis qu\u2019il pose pour un gouvernement proposant une rupture avec le n\u00e9olib\u00e9ralisme et\/ou le capitalisme. Ceci impliquera notamment de se pencher sur les possibilit\u00e9s d\u2019agir \u00ab \u00e0 l\u2019int\u00e9rieur et contre l\u2019\u00c9tat \u00bb. L\u2019exp\u00e9rience en Gr\u00e8ce du gouvernement anti-aust\u00e9rit\u00e9 de Syriza, marqu\u00e9e par sa capitulation face \u00e0 la \u00ab tro\u00efka \u00bb, sera ensuite analys\u00e9e afin d\u2019en tirer les enseignements appropri\u00e9s. Enfin, nous aborderons les enjeux li\u00e9s \u00e0 la pr\u00e9paration \u00e0 la prise du pouvoir et l\u2019implantation d\u2019un programme rompant avec l\u2019aust\u00e9rit\u00e9 n\u00e9olib\u00e9rale tels qu\u2019ils sont actuellement pos\u00e9s au sein du Parti travailliste sous la direction de Jeremy Corbyn.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p>Xavier Lafrance, Universit\u00e9 du Qu\u00e9bec \u00e0 Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada) <\/br><\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Alexandre Lemay-Roche, Universit\u00e9 du Qu\u00e9bec \u00e0 Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Christian P\u00e9pin, York University (Toronto, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Ren\u00e9 Rojas, Hobart and William Smith Colleges (New York, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Les partis de gauche et leurs strat\u00e9gies de transition <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#fdba00; color:#000\">\u00c9tat et partis politiques<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Sam 14:00 &#8211; SH-2800 &#8211; EN\/FR(Traduction disponible) &#8211; Atelier introductif<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc14\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">Il ne peut y avoir de v\u00e9ritable transition sans une \u00e9valuation critique des contributions des partis politiques de gauche. Ce panel sera l&rsquo;occasion pour des partis de la gauche radicale de se rencontrer et de partager leurs exp\u00e9riences et leurs programmes sur la Grande Transition. En particulier, les militants et les repr\u00e9sentants seront invit\u00e9s \u00e0 \u00e9toffer leurs politiques sp\u00e9cifiques sur la lutte contre la crise \u00e9cologique avec une perspective de gauche. Bien qu&rsquo;int\u00e9ressants et stimulants, les c&#8230;<\/p>\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Roger Rashi, Collectif la Grande transition (Montr\u00e9al, Qu\u00e9bec) <\/br>Hendrik Davi, France Insoumise, CGT (France)<\/br>Lorenz G\u00f6sta Beutin, Die Linke (Hamburg, Allemagne)<\/br>Alejandra Zaga Mendes, Qu\u00e9bec solidaire (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Tal\u00edria Petrone, Partido Socialismo e Liberdade (Rio de Janeiro, Br\u00e9sil)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc14\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Les partis de gauche et leurs strat\u00e9gies de transition <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Il ne peut y avoir de v\u00e9ritable transition sans une \u00e9valuation critique des contributions des partis politiques de gauche. Ce panel sera l&rsquo;occasion pour des partis de la gauche radicale de se rencontrer et de partager leurs exp\u00e9riences et leurs programmes sur la Grande Transition. En particulier, les militants et les repr\u00e9sentants seront invit\u00e9s \u00e0 \u00e9toffer leurs politiques sp\u00e9cifiques sur la lutte contre la crise \u00e9cologique avec une perspective de gauche. Bien qu&rsquo;int\u00e9ressants et stimulants, les concepts tels que \u00ab la juste transition \u00bb ou \u00ab l\u2019\u00e9cosocialisme \u00bb sont insuffisants sans des politiques clairement d\u00e9finies. Quels sont les principaux \u00e9l\u00e9ments d&rsquo;une transition \u00e9cologique et d\u00e9mocratique juste? Quelles pourraient \u00eatre les priorit\u00e9s d&rsquo;un premier gouvernement \u00e9cosocialiste? Comment pouvons-nous aborder le changement climatique dans une perspective de justice internationale? Comment pouvons-nous r\u00e9duire la surproduction et la consommation de masse? Comment pouvons-nous assurer la conversion des industries polluantes et cr\u00e9er des emplois de qualit\u00e9 pour les travailleurs? Mais \u00e9galement, quelles sont les strat\u00e9gies pour r\u00e9aliser ces politiques? Sur quels alli\u00e9s pouvons-nous compter? Quels sont les obstacles \u00e0 surmonter sur le chemin de cette nouvelle soci\u00e9t\u00e9? <\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p>Roger Rashi, Collectif la Grande transition (Montr\u00e9al, Qu\u00e9bec) <\/br><\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Hendrik Davi, France Insoumise, CGT (France)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Lorenz G\u00f6sta Beutin, Die Linke (Hamburg, Allemagne)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Alejandra Zaga Mendes, Qu\u00e9bec solidaire (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Tal\u00edria Petrone, Partido Socialismo e Liberdade (Rio de Janeiro, Br\u00e9sil)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Le socialisme v\u00e9n\u00e9zu\u00e9lien sous la loupe <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#fdba00; color:#000\">\u00c9tat et partis politiques<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Sam 14:00 &#8211; SH-2620 &#8211; EN(Traduction disponible) &#8211; Atelier avanc\u00e9<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc67\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Jeremiah Gaster, York University (Toronto, Canada) <\/br>Kristin Ciupa, York University (Toronto, Canada)<\/br>Eva Mar\u00eda, International Socialist Organization (Portland, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc67\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Le socialisme v\u00e9n\u00e9zu\u00e9lien sous la loupe <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5>Bolivarian Revolution as Social Revolution<\/h5>\n<p>Jeremiah Gaster, York University (Toronto, Canada) <\/br><\/p>\n<p>I will examine the uniqueness of the Bolivarian Revolution (BR) as a revolution.\u00a0 I will do so by examining the BR as a specific form of a revolution, a social revolution.\u00a0 If Skocpol (1979) writes that social revolutions are the moment when \u201c\u2026 rapid, basic transformations of a society&rsquo;s state and class structures; and they are accompanied and in part carried through by class-based revolts from below\u201d then I will utilize the BR to argue that rather social revolutions are not simply the moment when the elites (either \u201cpolitical\u201d or \u201cruling\u201d accommodate the masses and respond to them (as if they could do otherwise) but rather are the moment when the masses are in control of the political community, (See, e.g.;(Skocpol, 1979); (Wootton, 1986); (Wolin, 1996a); (Davidson, 2015).        The BR is a complex process that can be specifically dated to the political crises touched off by the Caracazo in February 1989.\u00a0 This presentation will trace out some of these processes, but will also as part of its examination of the social revolution focus on the features of both dual power, and the creation of new institutions  (See, e.g, (Z\u00faquete, 2008); (McCoy, 2004a); (Lopez Maya, 2005); (Ciccariello-Maher, 2007); (Hawkins, 2006); (Gibbs, 2006); (Fernandes, 2007)).\u00a0 The BR is complex, and not only is it ambiguous, but it has no clear outcome as of yet, but there are positive signs in how the BR has been able to foster some institutional forms that have radically altered the political community and have the potential to further alter the political community.\u00a0 Such institutional forms as community councils, misiones, communes, communal kitchens, etc., have been able to enact radical social policies, centred along not only \u201ccommunity participation\u201d but also community \u201cprotagonism\u201d.\u00a0 That is, as a social revolution the BR is itself a life-changing experience for the people who have inserted themselves as the political community.<\/p>\n<h5>State-Civil Society Relations and the Decline of the Venezuelan Left<\/h5>\n<p>Kristin Ciupa, York University (Toronto, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>The decline in oil prices and worsening socio-economic conditions, divisions within the Venezuelan left and a resurgence of the right-wing opposition, have all contributed to the decline of the left in Venezuela. This presentation explores the decline of the Venezuelan left through an analysis of rentier capitalism, and its impact on the state and social relations. Chavez\u2019s election, and the government\u2019s greatest challenges to the rentier capitalist model in the 2000s, were driven by widespread anti-neoliberalism and popular support for the Bolivarian government. Despite attempts at productive diversification and decentralization of power, however, the government maintained control over the oil sector and oil rents. Extensive rent distribution schemes when oil prices were high, including preferential currency rates, state subsidies and cheap imports, reinforced rentier social relations, consumption and a clientelistic relationship between the state and its supporters by widening the scope of dependence on oil rents. Further, the incorporation of social movements into the state apparatus through institutionalized forms of political participation has led to the demobilization of some of the most radical currents of the Bolivarian project, as they have become dependent upon state funding and support.To explain the decline of the left and the resurgence of the Venezuelan right, this presentation theorizes the relationship between class struggle, reform and social change; as well as of the limitations on the capitalist state to alter the conditions of rentier capitalism and achieve socialism. It argues that popular support served to radicalize and redirect the focus of the Bolivarian government\u2019s rent distribution program towards creating a socialized economy and bettering the conditions of the country\u2019s most marginalized sectors. However, overreliance on, and concentration of power in, the state to lead a project of socialist transformation ultimately served to reinforce oil dependence and rentier social relations. <\/p>\n<h5>\u00c0 venir<\/h5>\n<p>Eva Mar\u00eda, International Socialist Organization (Portland, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"row themeprogback\" style=\"background-image: url(https:\/\/thegreattransition.net\/wp-content\/uploads\/2018\/02\/racisme.jpg)\" id=\"10\">\n<div class=\"themetitle\" style=\"background-color: #434343;\">\n<h4 class=\"themefont\" style=\"color: #fff;\">Racisme et colonialisme<\/h4>\n<\/p><\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"row horaireback\">\n<div class=\"col-sm-2 col-xs-5\">                            <\/div>\n<div class=\"col-sm-10 col-xs-12\">\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">\u00c9tat colonial canadien et r\u00e9sistance autochtone <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#434343; color:#fff\">Racisme et colonialisme<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Ven 9:30 &#8211; SH-3620 &#8211; EN(Traduction disponible) &#8211; Atelier introductif<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc9\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Jeff Shantz, Kwantlen Polytechnic University (Surrey, Canada) <\/br>Bradley Por, McGill University, Faculty of Law (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Julie Tomiak, Carleton University (Ottawa, Canada)<\/br>Justin Paulson, Carleton University (Ottawa, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc9\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">\u00c9tat colonial canadien et r\u00e9sistance autochtone <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5>Crimes of Empire: On Anti-Colonial Criminology <\/h5>\n<p>Jeff Shantz, Kwantlen Polytechnic University (Surrey, Canada) <\/br><\/p>\n<p>In the current period of struggle in which Indigenous communities and movements are impelling a re-thinking of settler colonial states, land claims, and sovereignty as well as re-asserting Indigenous forms of governance and community it is crucial that social sciences such as criminology acknowledge and confront their own colonial histories as well as learning from the perspectives of Indigenous and anti-colonial scholars, thinkers, and activists. A discipline that claims to be concerned about and serious about issues of crime cannot avoid the severe crimes of colonial states, which the discipline has too long taken for granted as purveyors of justice, and the role of criminology in legitimizing often criminal state institutions and practices. Drawing on a range of anti-colonial theories this paper poses a rethinking of social science and notions of justice within the context of settler colonial states like Canada (and its academic institutions). Sub-theme: Imperialism and Colonialism<\/p>\n<h5>Blockades, Anti-Capitalism, and Deference to Indigenous Law<\/h5>\n<p>Bradley Por, McGill University, Faculty of Law (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>My doctoral research looks at Indigenous blockades in Canada as sources of law. While the state distinguishes between \u2018peaceful protest\u2019 and \u2018illegal behaviour\u2019 to justify removing blockaders with the \u2018rule of law,\u2019 Indigenous people on blockades are clear that they have legal duties to protect their land and water and are acting out of necessity. They say it is the Settler state which is violating the \u2018rule of law\u2019 when it disrespects nation-to-nation relationships by intruding on First Peoples\u2019 lands and criminalizing their resistance. When Indigenous blockaders are treated as outlaws, the state asserts domination. Blockades show that this state domination is also capitalist domination. Settlers receiving the messages of blockades do not need to pick sides to see that the state\u2019s deployment of the \u2018rule of law\u2019 principle legitimates First Peoples who support capitalist development through resource extraction and outlaws those who oppose it. My presentation will argue that bridge building between anti-capitalist and anti-colonial resistance should be centered on Settler deference to Indigenous law. Indigenous resistance is not necessarily anti-capitalist, but blockades make clear that Indigenous law is frequently in contention with dominant modes of capitalist development, especially that of resource extraction. Anti-capitalist Settlers can put decolonization first, and reinforce the blocking of capitalist expansion, by embracing Indigenous blockades as sources of law, opposing their criminalization by the state, and lending support on blockaders\u2019 terms. Deference to Indigenous law prevents the reproduction of colonial relations by anti-capitalist movements, and transcends resistance by supporting the resurgence of Indigenous nations. <\/p>\n<h5>Murderous capitalism and the settler colonial war on rebel bodies: Indigenous women on the front lines in British Columbia<\/h5>\n<p>Julie Tomiak, Carleton University (Ottawa, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>The systemic nature of genocidal violence against Indigenous women, as subjects that capitalism seeks to destroy, not only highlights the necropolitical dimensions of positioning Indigenous bodies as \u201cin the way of development\u201d and as obstacles to capitalist accumulation (Mbembe 2003; Razack 2015, 2012), but also draws attention to the power of Indigenous resistance and resurgence, with Indigenous women on the front lines of struggles against settler capitalism and for land and life.  We frame violence against Indigenous women within the historical context of capitalism\u2019s attack on women and Indigenous peoples, through an investigation of processes of enclosure in contemporary British Columbia. Drawing on feminist Marxist and Indigenous political economy perspectives (Coulthard 2014; Federici 2004; Kuokkanen 2008; Luxemburg 1913; Manuel and Derrickson 2015), we examine the prevalence of structural and physical violence, including high numbers of missing and murdered Indigenous women, in relation to the intensification of accumulation by dispossession in a place where land and title issues remain unsettled. Applicable subthemes in the \u2018Imperialism and Colonialism\u2019 stream include \u2018Capitalism against Indigenous forms of life\u2019 and \u2018Anti-colonial struggles\u2019; we note that it also fits the \u2018racism and antiracism\u2019 subtheme of \u2018Capitalism and contemporary forms of oppression\u2019 and, broadly, \u2018Understanding the political economy of capitalism\u2019.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Justin Paulson, Carleton University (Ottawa, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Analyse mat\u00e9rialiste du Black Panther Party et pertinence dans les luttes actuelles <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#434343; color:#fff\">Racisme et colonialisme<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Ven 9:30 &#8211; SH-2800 &#8211; EN(Traduction disponible) &#8211; Atelier avanc\u00e9<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc35\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">This panel will offer a range of perspectives on the historical legacy and actuality of the Black Panther Party, the black-led revolutionary organization at the center of the broader political insurgency which swept the United States in the late 1960s to early 1970s. Each presentation will investigate aspects of the Panthers\u2019 theoretical, social, and political practice, both in the Party\u2019s home base of Oakland but also other regional chapters. Of particular relevance to the conference theme of s&#8230;<\/p>\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Dave Mesing, Viewpoint Magazine (Villanova, USA) <\/br>Andrew Anastasi, City University of New York, Viewpoint Magazine (New York, USA)<\/br>Rosa Petterson,  ()<\/br>Ben Mabie, Viewpoint Magazine (Villanova, USA)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc35\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Analyse mat\u00e9rialiste du Black Panther Party et pertinence dans les luttes actuelles <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>This panel will offer a range of perspectives on the historical legacy and actuality of the Black Panther Party, the black-led revolutionary organization at the center of the broader political insurgency which swept the United States in the late 1960s to early 1970s. Each presentation will investigate aspects of the Panthers\u2019 theoretical, social, and political practice, both in the Party\u2019s home base of Oakland but also other regional chapters. Of particular relevance to the conference theme of socialist transition will be: considerations on the BPP\u2019s survival programs and their challenge to, and interaction with, federal social welfare initiatives like the War on Poverty; the Panthers\u2019 attempts at institution-building and pedagogical activities in Oakland with the Oakland Community School; the class analysis advanced by Party theorists, especially their understanding of the relationship between the lumpenproletariat and the broader working class, as well as the possibilities of coalitional, cross-racial politics; and the reverberations of the analysis and practical experiences of the Party for thinking through the coherence, causality, and orientation of strategy and its place in class struggle. This panel aims to chart the most valuable and relevant insights from the Panthers\u2019 political history and tactics for today.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p>Dave Mesing, Viewpoint Magazine (Villanova, USA) <\/br><\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Andrew Anastasi, City University of New York, Viewpoint Magazine (New York, USA)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Rosa Petterson,  ()<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Ben Mabie, Viewpoint Magazine (Villanova, USA)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Race, r\u00e9ification coloniale et capitalisme <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#434343; color:#fff\">Racisme et colonialisme<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Ven 9:30 &#8211; PK-1705 &#8211; EN &#8211; Atelier avanc\u00e9<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc106\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Elisabeth  Paquette, University of North Carolina at Charlotte (Charlotte, NC, \u00c9tats-Unis) <\/br>Kasim Tirmizey, Concordia University (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc106\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Race, r\u00e9ification coloniale et capitalisme <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5>Race and Anti-Capitalist Logics: Between Aim\u00e9 C\u00e9saire and Alain Badiou<\/h5>\n<p>Elisabeth  Paquette, University of North Carolina at Charlotte (Charlotte, NC, \u00c9tats-Unis) <\/br><\/p>\n<p>For Alain Badiou, emancipation occurs when that which inexists in a state (or is not counted by a state) can gain existence through a change in the ordering logic of a state. In order to achieve such a revolutionary change, it becomes necessary to base emancipatory ideas on something that exceeds the logic of the state. For Badiou, political truths such as justice and equality are what exceed the logic of a state, and political identities such as race and gender are not. There is thus a conflict between truth (justice and equality) and identity (race and gender). In light of the juxtaposition between identity and truth, Badiou claims that any theory of emancipation and politics must be premised on what he calls an \u201cindifference to difference\u201d (2001, 27). Given that race is excluded from his theorization of emancipation, and that all politics must be emancipatory, it follows that race is excluded from politics on his view. As such, my project aims to explore the implications of this view for critical race theory and decolonial thought.Specifically, I begin with a critique of the concept of \u201cidentity\u201d that is provided by Badiou through the work of Kathryn Gines, W. E. B. Du Bois, Lucius T. Outlaw Jr., Chike Jeffers, and most importantly Aim\u00e9 C\u00e9saire (an Afro-Caribbean Marxist and poet). Drawing from historic and current debates regarding the importance of the \u201cconservation of races,\u201d I argue that the conception of identity utilized by Badiou does not allow for what Gines calls a positive account of racial identity. In addition, drawing from Outlaw\u2019s On Race and Philosophy (1996), I argue that a positive conception of race is necessary for a theory of emancipation that does not fall into patterns of Eurocentrism. <\/p>\n<h5>Fanon&rsquo;s critique of colonial reification<\/h5>\n<p>Kasim Tirmizey, Concordia University (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>This presentation develops upon Frantz Fanon&rsquo;s insights on colonialism as a process of reification of subjected peoples and spaces. Fanon famously argued for the need to \u201cstretch\u201d Marxism in the colonial context. In this vein, Fanon extended the Marxist concept of reification to incorporate the role of colonialism and racialization in transforming social relations and co-constituting capitalism. For Fanon, the colonial condition is lived at the level of immediacy as a reified world. Fanon critiqued certain forms of native politics as being false forms of decolonization to the extent that they were re-casting colonial reification. This presentation extends Fanon&rsquo;s critique of colonial reification and native politics through a comparative analysis of social movements in colonial India and Algeria, and settler-colonial Canada. The presentation concludes with some notes on how anti-colonial movements contribute to critiques of colonialism and capitalism in the process of struggling against reification.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">L&rsquo;islamophobie, le s\u00e9cularisme et la gauche <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#434343; color:#fff\">Racisme et colonialisme<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Ven 11:30 &#8211; SH-3620 &#8211; EN\/FR(Traduction disponible) &#8211; Atelier avanc\u00e9<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc36\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">Western and especially American imperialism has whipped up Islamophobia to justify their conquest and domination of the Middle East. The Western ruling classes have also used this ideology domestically to scapegoat Muslims and Islam as a threat to be policed by their states. Some on the left have adapted to this demonization of Muslims in the name of secularism and feminism, going so far as to endorse right wing calls for banning Muslim women from wearing the veil. This panel will reject such ar&#8230;<\/p>\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Khury Petersen-Smith, International Socialist Organization (New -York, USA)<\/br>Nikolas Barry-Shaw, Auteur et militant de Qu\u00e9bec solidaire (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Bochra Mana\u00ef, chercheure (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Anas Bouslikhane, Solidarit\u00e9 sans fronti\u00e8res (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc36\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">L&rsquo;islamophobie, le s\u00e9cularisme et la gauche <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Western and especially American imperialism has whipped up Islamophobia to justify their conquest and domination of the Middle East. The Western ruling classes have also used this ideology domestically to scapegoat Muslims and Islam as a threat to be policed by their states. Some on the left have adapted to this demonization of Muslims in the name of secularism and feminism, going so far as to endorse right wing calls for banning Muslim women from wearing the veil. This panel will reject such arguments and argue for the left to challenge Islamophobia, oppose both the imposition and forced removal of the veil as sexist, and argue that only on this basis can solidarity be built for a principle struggle against imperialism and the oppression of women.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Khury Petersen-Smith, International Socialist Organization (New -York, USA)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Nikolas Barry-Shaw, Auteur et militant de Qu\u00e9bec solidaire (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Bochra Mana\u00ef, chercheure (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Anas Bouslikhane, Solidarit\u00e9 sans fronti\u00e8res (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">La question palestinienne au Canada et au Qu\u00e9bec: Lutte sociale, contradictions politiques et opportunit\u00e9s strat\u00e9giques <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#434343; color:#fff\">Racisme et colonialisme<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Ven 14:00 &#8211; SH-3620 &#8211; EN\/FR(Traduction disponible) &#8211; Atelier introductif<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc78\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\u201cAujourd\u2019hui, plus encore peut-\u00eatre que le Vietnam, la Palestine se trouve au coeur de la concurrence inter-imp\u00e9rialiste des pays qui se sont enrichis \u00e0 m\u00eame le pillage et l\u2019escalavage forc\u00e9s des pays dits du \u2018tiers monde\u2019, cet immense bidonville multinational qui couvre les trois quarts de la plan\u00e8te et dont fait partie aussi le Qu\u00e9bec . . . Le r\u00f4le du Canada, comme fid\u00e8le agent et porte-parole de Washington, doit \u00eatre manifestement d\u00e9nonc\u00e9 . . . .\u201d                 -Charles Gagnon &#038; Pierre Vall&#8230;<\/p>\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Dan Freeman-Maloy, University of Exeter (Montr\u00e9al, Canada) <\/br>Houda Asal, EHESS (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Mostafa Henaway, Immigrant Workers Center (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc78\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">La question palestinienne au Canada et au Qu\u00e9bec: Lutte sociale, contradictions politiques et opportunit\u00e9s strat\u00e9giques <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>\u201cAujourd\u2019hui, plus encore peut-\u00eatre que le Vietnam, la Palestine se trouve au coeur de la concurrence inter-imp\u00e9rialiste des pays qui se sont enrichis \u00e0 m\u00eame le pillage et l\u2019escalavage forc\u00e9s des pays dits du \u2018tiers monde\u2019, cet immense bidonville multinational qui couvre les trois quarts de la plan\u00e8te et dont fait partie aussi le Qu\u00e9bec . . . Le r\u00f4le du Canada, comme fid\u00e8le agent et porte-parole de Washington, doit \u00eatre manifestement d\u00e9nonc\u00e9 . . . .\u201d                 -Charles Gagnon &#038; Pierre Valli\u00e8res, \u201cPour un front commun Qu\u00e9bec\u2013Palestine\u201d (1969)Palestine is a site of ceaseless, and ominously escalating, colonial violence. Complicity in this violence has long been a marker of Canada\u2019s relationship with U.S.-led empire. Alignment with U.S.\u2013Israeli brutality remains an enduring feature of imperial politics in Canada despite changes in government; it is maintained under Justin Trudeau\u2019s premiership as it was under Stephen Harper\u2019s, and as it had been during the first \u201cTrudeau era\u201d. While the Palestinian challenge to empire has long been a symbol for popular struggles across the Third World, in Canada it was until recently a contentious issue even on the anti-war left. Over the past decade, however, Palestine solidarity has attracted widened support from social movements across the Canadian state. This panel reflects on local histories of Palestine solidarity and how they can be strengthened. Emphasis is placed on Qu\u00e9bec, where a contradictory historical identification with the Third World opened unique space for oppositional politics on Palestine. Valli\u00e8res, quoted above, himself later conceded that Qu\u00e9bec forms part of \u201cthe privileged west\u201d; and the imperatives of Indigenous, migrant rights, and wider anti-racist struggles demand clarity on this issue. Political contradictions and strategic opportunities alike need serious attention if we are to develop a principled, coordinated, and effective challenge to Canadian policy on Palestine.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p>Dan Freeman-Maloy, University of Exeter (Montr\u00e9al, Canada) <\/br><\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Houda Asal, EHESS (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Mostafa Henaway, Immigrant Workers Center (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Le 7e Feu: l&rsquo;e\u0300re de la crise plane\u0301taire <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#434343; color:#fff\">Racisme et colonialisme<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Ven 16:00 &#8211; SH-R810 &#8211; FR &#8211; Atelier introductif<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc43\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">Le de\u0301veloppement ubristique des socie\u0301te\u0301s capitalistes ne\u0301cessite de\u0300s maintenant la critique et l&rsquo;enveloppement par la rationalite\u0301 des Premiers peuples, pour lui poser des limites; rationalite\u0301 qui est depuis longtemps invalide\u0301e par la rationalite\u0301 occidentale, dans sa pre\u0301tention e\u0301piste\u0301mo-centrique a\u0300 l'\u00a0\u00bbuniversel\u00a0\u00bb. C&rsquo;est-a\u0300-dire que ceux portant des finalite\u0301s qui leur sont propres et n\u2019ayant jamais cesse\u0301, en de\u0301pit de l\u2019obstruction coloniale, de propulser et de diriger librement leurs&#8230;<\/p>\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Pascale-Youkali Me\u0301nard, Eeyou (Eastmain, Eeyou Istchee) <\/br>Jonathan Thisselmagan Schuld, Ilnu du Pekuakami (Mashteuiatsh, Nitassinan)<\/br>Michael Paul Cleary, Ilnu du Pekuakami (Mashteuiatsh, Nitassinan)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc43\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Le 7e Feu: l&rsquo;e\u0300re de la crise plane\u0301taire <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Le de\u0301veloppement ubristique des socie\u0301te\u0301s capitalistes ne\u0301cessite de\u0300s maintenant la critique et l&rsquo;enveloppement par la rationalite\u0301 des Premiers peuples, pour lui poser des limites; rationalite\u0301 qui est depuis longtemps invalide\u0301e par la rationalite\u0301 occidentale, dans sa pre\u0301tention e\u0301piste\u0301mo-centrique a\u0300 l'\u00a0\u00bbuniversel\u00a0\u00bb. C&rsquo;est-a\u0300-dire que ceux portant des finalite\u0301s qui leur sont propres et n\u2019ayant jamais cesse\u0301, en de\u0301pit de l\u2019obstruction coloniale, de propulser et de diriger librement leurs canots, uetshit takuaimatishun, en vertu de celles-ci, sont mu\u0302rs d&rsquo;expe\u0301rience et de pense\u0301es pour remettre radicalement en cause l&rsquo;Institution imaginaire capitaliste; puisqu&rsquo;elle les de\u0301vore comme le Le\u0301viathan, par des politiques d&rsquo;assimilation, par la de\u0301possession ille\u0301gitime et la destruction de leurs territoires ancestraux, par les nouveaux stratage\u0300mes de \u00ab\u00a0ne\u0301gociations territoriales\u00a0\u00bb et de \u00ab\u00a0re\u0301conciliation\u00a0\u00bb avec l&rsquo;E\u0301tat, puis d'\u00a0\u00bbinte\u0301gration\u00a0\u00bb a\u0300 la socie\u0301te\u0301 capitaliste, dans le but de les dige\u0301rer. <br \/>La Prophe\u0301tie anishnabe des 7 Feux enseigne qu\u2019au temps du 7e Feu, l\u2019homme occidental devra choisir entre la voie de la technologie ou celle de la spiritualite\u0301. Si l&rsquo;on interroge la signification philosophique de ce re\u0301cit pour la rendre accessible a\u0300 sa raison, ces choix sont de poursuivre sur la voie de l&rsquo;expansion illimite\u0301e de la mai\u0302trise irrationnelle et de la possession totale de la nature, ou la recherche d&rsquo;un nouveau rapport de sens a\u0300 la condition humaine, l\u2019humilite\u0301 envers plus grand que soi, un \u00ab sens de la terre \u00bb; le respect d&rsquo;Assi et de tout ce qui l&rsquo;habite. Le 7e Feu se de\u0301finit en tant que complexite\u0301 de la crise plane\u0301taire: crise environnementale et humanitaire globale, alors que les industries ont des impacts sur l&rsquo;eau, la terre, l&rsquo;air, et que la terre contamine\u0301e empoisonne l&rsquo;eau, que l&rsquo;eau contamine\u0301e empoisonne la terre, et nos corps, comme l&rsquo;ensemble du vivant. Devons-nous nous laisser alie\u0301ner par l&rsquo;Institution imaginaire capitaliste, ou bifurquer sur une nouvelle voie? <br \/>Au germe de l&rsquo;Institution imaginaire capitaliste, y aurait-il un rapport pessimiste a\u0300 la condition humaine et a\u0300 l&rsquo;existence; un sens ge\u0301ne\u0301rateur et subconscient du projet de conque\u0302te et de reconstruction du monde; la promesse d&rsquo;une vie plus longue, plus agre\u0301able et plus puissante; le re\u0302ve de l&rsquo;immortalite\u0301 et du Paradis perdus? La \u201cconcurrence\u201d serait-elle l\u201de\u0301tat de guerre\u201d de chacun contre chacun, le conflit entre les de\u0301sirs de puissance motive\u0301s par l&rsquo;angoisse de mort individuelle, catalyse\u0301s par l&rsquo;Institution imaginaire capitaliste dans sa lutte contre la nature? Conside\u0301rant la rupture du sens religieux a\u0300 la condition humaine, conse\u0301quence du proce\u0300s de lai\u0308cisation des derniers sie\u0300cles, se pourrait-il que l&rsquo;incapacite\u0301 des socie\u0301te\u0301s capitalistes a\u0300 re\u0301gler par de\u0301libe\u0301ration politique les proble\u0300mes sociaux et environnementaux qu&rsquo;elles provoquent, en poursuivant l&rsquo;expansion illimite\u0301e, soit leur incapacite\u0301 a\u0300 traiter l&rsquo;angoisse de mort; une fuite en avant de la mort, vers la mort ? <br \/>Comment le de\u0301veloppement e\u0301conomique affecte-t-il les Premiers Peuples? Qu\u2019est-ce que signifie la re\u0301conciliation, alors que les tensions s&rsquo;amplifient entre tous et chacun; alors que les grandes corporations transnationales sont avides des ressources naturelles, et qu&rsquo;elles e\u0301ventrent les territoires ancestraux avec la complicite\u0301 des gouvernements pour les extraire? Qu&rsquo;est-ce que le respect de la Terre, entre humains et envers l&rsquo;ensemble du vivant? Comment re\u0301ge\u0301ne\u0301rer les traditions et les droits coutumiers des Premiers peuples? Pourquoi reconnaitre la valeur de leurs re\u0301cits, comme connaissances de sens et de savoir-vivre? Quelles sont les relations entre la reconnaissance bio- cosmique de la condition humaine, la conscience e\u0301cologique, la responsabilite\u0301 et l&rsquo;auto-limitation du pouvoir technique sur la nature? Comment re\u0301unir nos e\u0301nergies pour cre\u0301er une voie de la transition vers l&rsquo;autonomie des individus et des peuples? Quelle peut e\u0302tre une autre voie vers le 8e Feu? <br \/>Ce que nous proposons est une interrogation critique du projet d&rsquo;expansion illimite\u0301e de la mai\u0302trise irrationnelle et de la possession totale de la nature, par le Progre\u0300s d&rsquo;un savoir instrumental, a\u0300 partir de la reconnaissance explicite de la condition humaine. Alors que les \u201ctranshumanistes\u201d phantasment de s&rsquo;en e\u0301manciper par la technologie, de cre\u0301er une intelligence et une force robotique supe\u0301rieures qui soient a\u0300 leur service, de voyager en dehors du monde a\u0300 travers des \u201chyper-re\u0301alite\u0301s\u201d nume\u0301riques, ou de coloniser Mars pour e\u0301chapper a\u0300 la crise plane\u0301taire, d\u2019autres incarnent la re\u0301sistance et oeuvrent a\u0300 la cre\u0301ation de nouvelles voies de transition. Voila\u0300 la densite\u0301 du the\u0300me le 7e Feu, auquel nous vous invitons a\u0300 participer pour re\u0301fle\u0301chir ensemble, puis e\u0301noncer des propositions d&rsquo;alternatives de\u0301mocratiques a\u0300 l&rsquo;Institution imaginaire capitaliste. Partager la parole, la donner et la recevoir en la forme d&rsquo;un cercle, nous importe plus que faire des monologues de doctes.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p>Pascale-Youkali Me\u0301nard, Eeyou (Eastmain, Eeyou Istchee) <\/br><\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Jonathan Thisselmagan Schuld, Ilnu du Pekuakami (Mashteuiatsh, Nitassinan)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Michael Paul Cleary, Ilnu du Pekuakami (Mashteuiatsh, Nitassinan)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Internationalisme et nationalisme<span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#434343; color:#fff\">Racisme et colonialisme<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Sam 11:30 &#8211; SH-2580 &#8211; FR &#8211; Atelier introductif<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc158\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Pierre Mouterde, C\u00e9gep de Limoilou (Qu\u00e9bec, Canada) <\/br>Pascale Dufour, Universit\u00e9 de Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Bernard Rioux,  (Qu\u00e9bec, Canada)<\/br>Marc Pomerleau, Universit\u00e9 de Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Animation: Pierre Beaudet<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc158\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Internationalisme et nationalisme<\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<p>Pierre Mouterde, C\u00e9gep de Limoilou (Qu\u00e9bec, Canada) <\/br><\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Pascale Dufour, Universit\u00e9 de Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Bernard Rioux,  (Qu\u00e9bec, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Marc Pomerleau, Universit\u00e9 de Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<p>Animation: Pierre Beaudet<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Qu\u00e9bec, \u00c9cosse et Catalogne: La gauche radicale et la lutte pour l&rsquo;autod\u00e9termination nationale <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#434343; color:#fff\">Racisme et colonialisme<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Sam 16:00 &#8211; SH-3620 &#8211; EN\/FR(Traduction disponible) &#8211; Atelier avanc\u00e9<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc38\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">The Great Recession and subsequent global slump have provoked a hegemonic crisis for the ruling classes in nation states throughout the world system. As states lose their legitimacy, nations within them and or oppressed by them have demanded the right to self-determination and independence. This panel will explore why and how the radical left should support these struggles in Qu\u00e9bec, Catalonia, and Scotland.<\/p>\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Benoit Renaud, Qu\u00e9bec solidaire (Gatineau, Canada)<\/br>Neil Davidson, Radical Independence Campaign (Glasgow, UK)<\/br>Eva Mar\u00eda, International Socialist Organization (USA)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc38\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Qu\u00e9bec, \u00c9cosse et Catalogne: La gauche radicale et la lutte pour l&rsquo;autod\u00e9termination nationale <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>The Great Recession and subsequent global slump have provoked a hegemonic crisis for the ruling classes in nation states throughout the world system. As states lose their legitimacy, nations within them and or oppressed by them have demanded the right to self-determination and independence. This panel will explore why and how the radical left should support these struggles in Qu\u00e9bec, Catalonia, and Scotland.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Benoit Renaud, Qu\u00e9bec solidaire (Gatineau, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Neil Davidson, Radical Independence Campaign (Glasgow, UK)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Eva Mar\u00eda, International Socialist Organization (USA)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">L&rsquo;\u00e9lan autochtone <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#434343; color:#fff\">Racisme et colonialisme<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Dim 9:30 &#8211; SH-2120 &#8211; FR &#8211; Atelier introductif<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc34\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Jean-Charles PI\u00e9tacho, Chef d\u2019Ekuanitshit, nation Innue () <\/br>Tania Larivi\u00e8re, Universit\u00e9 Laval\/militante anishnabe de culture eeyou ()<\/br>Daphn\u00e9-Anne Ol\u00e9pika Takpanie, Militante Inuk (Iqaluit, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Animation: Genevi\u00e8ve Beaudet<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc34\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">L&rsquo;\u00e9lan autochtone <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<p>Jean-Charles PI\u00e9tacho, Chef d\u2019Ekuanitshit, nation Innue () <\/br><\/p>\n<h5>Le lien entre la tradition, la culture et les mouvements de r\u00e9sistance autochtones<\/h5>\n<p>Tania Larivi\u00e8re, Universit\u00e9 Laval\/militante anishnabe de culture eeyou ()<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5>Le parcours d\u2019une nouvelle militante autochtone: exp\u00e9riences de la Marche de Stop ol\u00e9oduc Outaouais (2016) et de La Marche des Peuples pour la Terre-M\u00e8re (2017)<\/h5>\n<p>Daphn\u00e9-Anne Ol\u00e9pika Takpanie, Militante Inuk (Iqaluit, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<p>Animation: Genevi\u00e8ve Beaudet<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"row themeprogback\" style=\"background-image: url(https:\/\/thegreattransition.net\/wp-content\/uploads\/2018\/02\/repression.jpg)\" id=\"11\">\n<div class=\"themetitle\" style=\"background-color: #000468;\">\n<h4 class=\"themefont\" style=\"color: #fff;\">R\u00e9pression et r\u00e9sistance<\/h4>\n<\/p><\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"row horaireback\">\n<div class=\"col-sm-2 col-xs-5\">                            <\/div>\n<div class=\"col-sm-10 col-xs-12\">\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Prisons, travail et discipline <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#000468; color:#fff\">R\u00e9pression et r\u00e9sistance<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Ven 9:30 &#8211; PK-R650 &#8211; EN &#8211; Atelier introductif<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc105\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Geert Dhondt, John Jay College, City University of New York (New York, NY, \u00c9tats-Unis) <\/br>Federico Pablo V\u00e1zquez Garc\u00eda, Benem\u00e9rita Universidad Aut\u00f3noma de Puebla (Puebla, Mexique)<\/br>Claudia Ju\u00e1rez Jaimes,  (Mexique)<\/br>Berivan Sarikaya, University of Toronto\/OISE (Toronto, Canada)<\/br>Emigdio Bernardo Sim\u00f3n, Benem\u00e9rita Universidad Aut\u00f3noma de Puebla (Puebla, Mexique)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc105\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Prisons, travail et discipline <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5>13th: Slavery, Prisons, Race and Capitalism in the US<\/h5>\n<p>Geert Dhondt, John Jay College, City University of New York (New York, NY, \u00c9tats-Unis) <\/br><\/p>\n<p>The 13th amendment abolished slavery in the US, except as a punishment for a crime. This has led to an analysis of prisons today as a continuation of slavery.  This presentation will first lay out the popular, theoretical, and empirical arguments used to justify this position. Then it will critique those arguments and discuss how they obscure the role of prisons and race in Neoliberal Capitalism in the US.<\/p>\n<h5>Two capitalist forms instituted in Mexico: prison at work and work in prison<\/h5>\n<p>Federico Pablo V\u00e1zquez Garc\u00eda, Benem\u00e9rita Universidad Aut\u00f3noma de Puebla (Puebla, Mexique)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>The purpose of this presentation is to present the institutionalization and systematization of the prison sentence, with a sociological and juridical approach, from the revision of the Mexican Constitutions, from the 19th century to the present, taking as a conceptual basis prison in relation to work. We seek to respond what for the prison? how useful is prison? how is prison institutionalized in the Mexican Constitution? The prison is an institution. It\u2019s a device of power to discipline the body at work, it\u2019s a capitalist way to reproduce the social relations of production, from the workforce presented at work as a means of regeneration, readaptation and social reintegration. When the prison was born, it was a factory and the factory was a prison. Today, it reproduces the vital minimum of contemporary society and society is that prison that lives with the vital minimum derived from institutionalized labor flexibility. Attending the liberal, social and neoliberal states, prison disciplined the body of the individual, prison made it productive. Currently, individual returns to his state of freedom, but in competition and greater barbarism.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Claudia Ju\u00e1rez Jaimes,  (Mexique)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5>\u201cBeing a woman in number 5\u201d Kurdish Women Political Prisoners in the Turkish Military Prison in Diyarbak\u0131r, 1980-1983<\/h5>\n<p>Berivan Sarikaya, University of Toronto\/OISE (Toronto, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Through the study of Kurdish women\u2019s struggle and resistance, specifically with their incarceration in Diyarbakir Military Prison (DMP), this presentation explores the role of incarcerated women in Kurdish Movement, offering an alternative knowledge to both the male-dominated canonical approach and the feminist approach to Kurdish women\u2019s movement. Beyond the mass participation of women in armed struggle starting in 1990s, women\u2019s resistance in DMP between 1980 and 1983 constitutes the focus of this study which has not been yet documented. Kurdish resistance history remains incomplete and gendered without the acknowledgement of women political prisoners\u2019 experience, since their stories and voices represent the indispensable part of transformative power of the Kurdish movement. While not aiming to reproduce scholarly knowledge of oppression and violence, this study has an emphasis on resistance, political consciousness, and transformations of self and society experienced and transmitted by Kurdish women political prisoners. Intended to critically examine prison as a site of movement building, and particularly how women political prisoners have played a key transformative role in shaping the Kurdish political movement, I use reflexive\/relational method to move beyond the immediate experience, and to develop an understanding of how this experience was organized through social relations and forms of consciousness. This methodology helps to make ethical sense of the accounts I have witnessed, collected, read and analyzed. As a former political prisoner myself, my scholarly approach in this research aligns with critical Marxist-Feminist perspective. My thesis is that without tracing the experiences of Kurdish women prisoners of DMP, it is impossible to understand the contemporary dynamics of Kurdish women\u2019s movement.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Emigdio Bernardo Sim\u00f3n, Benem\u00e9rita Universidad Aut\u00f3noma de Puebla (Puebla, Mexique)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Vari\u00e9t\u00e9s de capitalisme, vari\u00e9t\u00e9s de r\u00e9sistance <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#000468; color:#fff\">R\u00e9pression et r\u00e9sistance<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Sam 9:30 &#8211; SH-3320 &#8211; EN &#8211; Atelier avanc\u00e9<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc110\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Robert Latham, York University (Toronto, Canada) <\/br>Noaman Ali, University of Toronto (Toronto, Canada)<\/br>Ivana Bevilacqua, SOAS &#8211; School of Oriental and African Studies (Londres, Grande-Bretagne)<\/br>Shehnoor Khurram, York University (Toronto, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc110\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Vari\u00e9t\u00e9s de capitalisme, vari\u00e9t\u00e9s de r\u00e9sistance <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5>Uneven Development and Contemporary Anti-Capitalism<\/h5>\n<p>Robert Latham, York University (Toronto, Canada) <\/br><\/p>\n<p>Uneven and combined development remains crucial for understanding the continued widening and deepening of capitalism.  However, the nature of the heterogeneous and uneven development of contemporary capitalism, especially since the 1970s, makes problematic the characterization of capitalist totality, as a coherent stage and as a singular, albeit uneven, combination.  This complicates the successful pursuit of anti-capitalism, which now requires varied but interrelated responses at all scales and involving a range of approaches, from local community activism and non-capitalist alternatives to mass Leninist-inspired parties and an international socialist movement.  Thus, a far more uneven anti-capitalism is appropriate; and a single, overarching anti-capitalist process such as Permanent Revolution may not be the only or way forward.  This is not an argument for a post-Marxist horizontal heterogeneity; but rather an exploration of the reasons and possibilities for a dialectical anti-capitalism, where beneficial encounters occur across the arc of anti-capitalism, within which proletariat mobilization remains a central component.  Such confluence offers one starting point for contending with the perennial duality of reform and revolution, manifest today in the either\/or of an anti-capitalism of total revolution and an agonistic, fractional post-Marxist politics working to reduce oppression and hardship within capitalism.<\/p>\n<h5>Gramsci on the Frontier: the contest for hegemony in northwestern Pakistan, 1968-1977<\/h5>\n<p>Noaman Ali, University of Toronto (Toronto, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Antonio Gramsci\u2019s work has been put to considerable use in nuancing the Marxist analysis of state power. However, it is easy to forget that his analysis of hegemony meant to pose the strategic questions of consent and coercion for revolutionaries vying for power. In so doing, Gramsci examined the question of building a united front of different social classes and groups under the leadership of the proletariat to forge a hegemonic alliance that could disrupt and counter the alliances of ruling classes. In 1970s Pakistan, the Mazdoor Kisan Party (MKP), a Marxist-Leninist organization, faced the same question as it sought to forge a hegemonic alliance of workers and peasants. The MKP is best known for the breadth, depth and efficacy of the peasant movement it led in the 1970s in the North-West Frontier Province. Yet, the success of the movement led to a deep debate about the multi-class composition of the peasantry, contradictions between workers and peasants, and how different class interests translated into differing political interests in the specific conjuncture. Indeed, despite its incredible mobilization of peasants, the MKP was outmaneuvered by the ruling alliance embodied by the Pakistan People\u2019s Party (PPP). By conceding the demands of the peasant movement, the PPP co-opted sections of the peasantry, disrupting the MKP\u2019s leadership. The struggle over the peasantry between the MKP and the PPP raises questions about the form and content of the category of the subaltern, raising important challenges for projects of building hegemonic alliances. This presentation examines the contradictions in the MKP\u2019s project and seeks to extract their lessons for revolutionaries seeking to pull together different constituencies into a coherent anti-capitalist project.<\/p>\n<h5>Everyday Encounters with the Power and the 2011 Egyptian Subalterns<\/h5>\n<p>Ivana Bevilacqua, SOAS &#8211; School of Oriental and African Studies (Londres, Grande-Bretagne)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>This presentation investigates the key role played by the Egyptian urban subalterns in the events which have unfolded since 2011. It argues that mobilisations sparked as a result of spatialised forms of everyday interaction between popular forces and practices of government. Such everyday encounters with the power were extremely formative of political subjectivities, so that by 2011 a cultural milieu of previous experiences, external observations, success, defeat, and repression, all provided a conspicuous repertoire of collective actions. Despite claims on \u2018spontaneous mobilisations\u2019 or \u2018bourgeois-democratic revolutions\u2019 what the Uprisings have actually enabled is the emancipatory imaginary of a new self-relief and lasting order, rooted on grassroots structures of cooperation and solidarity, no-more compressed by the regime. For instance, to understand the powerful role of the youth and ultra in mobilising against governmental agencies, we should take into account the background of sentiments against the police &#8211; embodying an institution of everyday government &#8211; which triggered the symbolic attack of symbols of state authority. It was by gathering in everyday forms resistance and in public spaces that bodies congregated to reclaim \u2018the common\u2019. Although nowadays Egypt is under a worse dictatorship than before its uprising, it is too early to judge the outcome. Indeed, the revolutionary process is far from over, but it has strikingly provided a repertoire of alternative narratives, imagination, and practices, which could sustain future resistance and might still prevail in the long-term.<\/p>\n<h5>Welfare as Counter-Hegemony: Hamas and Hezbollah in Civil Society<\/h5>\n<p>Shehnoor Khurram, York University (Toronto, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Who would have thought that religion, once termed by Karl Marx the \u2018opiate of the masses\u2019, would one day characterize the most militant of class-based, anti-capitalist political movements? Islamists have succeeded where most Marxists and secular reformers have failed. Islamic demagogues, charged with resentment toward the national bourgeoisie, have prompted the most appealing, mobilizing and radicalizing movements among the masses of the poor, using religious vernacular to convey revolutionary ideals. By forcefully and effectively confronting enemies, such as imperialism, neocolonialism, and economic globalization, they also have addressed the chronic historical sense of humiliation facing Muslim societies. The argument proposed is twofold: first, it will posit that political Islam is not a spontaneous spiritual rebirth of a messianic nature concerned simply with issues of doctrine and faith. Rather, it is a counter-hegemonic force that has arisen out of the turmoil and disarray of constant political and economic crises in the post-Cold War era. I will examine Hamas and Hezbollah, arguing that these organizations use Islam as a revolutionary ideology to attack, criticize, and de-legitimize the bourgeoisie and the power structure upon which their authority and legitimacy are based. Further, these groups have been able to provide the marginalized and alienated masses with an opposition force capable of articulating their grievances and dissatisfaction with the secular regimes. I will contend that political Islam must be re-conceptualized through a historical materialist lens, as being shaped by the dialectic realities of survival and resistance within the context of the various forms of oppression that operate materially and discursively throughout the Muslim world. Second, using a Gramscian framework, it will examine how Islamist movements mobilize the masses to resist neoliberal globalization. Particularly, I will argue that the legitimacy of modern, capitalist states is founded on a social contract between the state and its citizenry. The former is responsible for fulfilling the survival needs of the latter; in return, compliance is expected from the citizens. However, globalization generates weak regimes in the Muslim world that are unable to provide the quotidian needs of its populations, causing the social contract to disintegrate. This leads to the citizens\u2019 estrangement from the state, producing power vacuums. Islamists attain legitimacy in civil society by creating alternative avenues of political participation and communal identity, especially through their provisioning of welfare. In turn, they develop lasting loyalties that that they use to mobilize the masses to resist the various forms of oppression they face.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Diversit\u00e9 des tactiques et pratiques de r\u00e9sistance <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#000468; color:#fff\">R\u00e9pression et r\u00e9sistance<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Sam 14:00 &#8211; SH-3140 &#8211; FR &#8211; Atelier introductif<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc109\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Jerome Pelenc, Universit\u00e9 libre de Bruxelles (Bruxelles, Belgique) <\/br>Vincent Beaulieu, Universit\u00e9 de Sherbrooke (Sherbrooke, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc109\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Diversit\u00e9 des tactiques et pratiques de r\u00e9sistance <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5>Les ZAD (Zones \u00e0 d\u00e9fendre): utopies, h\u00e9t\u00e9rotopies et communalisme libertaire <\/h5>\n<p>Jerome Pelenc, Universit\u00e9 libre de Bruxelles (Bruxelles, Belgique) <\/br><\/p>\n<p>Les ZAD (Zone \u00e0 d\u00e9fendre) font parties d\u2019un mouvement social de r\u00e9sistance contre les grands projets dits \u00ab inutiles et impos\u00e9s \u00bb (a\u00e9roport, ligne \u00e0 grande vitesse, barrage, maxi-prison, etc.). Les ZAD se cr\u00e9ent \u00e0 travers l\u2019occupation ill\u00e9gale de terrains sur lesquels sont pr\u00e9vus de grandes infrastructures. Il s\u2019agit de lutter contre l\u2019infrastructure elle-m\u00eame et le monde capitaliste qu\u2019elle repr\u00e9sente en proposant d\u2019autres mani\u00e8res de vivre.  La premi\u00e8re ZAD a \u00e9t\u00e9 cr\u00e9e en France en 2009 \u00e0 Notre-Dames-Des-Landes. Plusieurs se cr\u00e9eront ensuite. En r\u00e9sum\u00e9, une ZAD est un territoire o\u00f9 des personnes d\u00e9cident de se passer des institutions pour construire leurs vies et o\u00f9 peuvent s\u2019exp\u00e9rimenter des relations humaines hors de l\u2019argent, de la hi\u00e9rarchie, de l\u2019utilitarisme. On qualifie souvent les ZAD \u00ab d\u2019utopies concr\u00e8tes \u00bb, mais tant du point de vue analytique, que strat\u00e9gique, il nous para\u00eet plus pertinent de penser les ZAD en termes d\u2019h\u00e9t\u00e9rotopie. Contrairement \u00e0 l\u2019utopie (a-topos, qui n\u2019a pas de lieu), l\u2019h\u00e9t\u00e9rotopie (h\u00e9t\u00e9ro-topos), selon Foucault, est ce lieu \u00ab absolument autre \u00bb, qui existe quelque part, ici et maintenant, \u00e0 travers une utilisation diff\u00e9rente de l\u2019espace. Dans cet communication nous proposons d\u2019analyser le potentiel r\u00e9volutionnaire des ZAD \u00e0 travers la notion d\u2019h\u00e9t\u00e9rotopie. Les ZAD\u2014ces espaces h\u00e9t\u00e9rotopiques\u2014sont autant de br\u00e8ches, pour reprendre le terme de John Holloway, dans le capitalisme. En bloquant directement sur le territoire les d\u00e9veloppements locaux du capital, les ZAD produisent des contre-espaces communs et alternatifs et ce tant sur le plan mat\u00e9riel que symbolique. L\u2019imaginaire qui irrigue les ZAD n\u2019est pas sans rappeler celui de la Commune de Paris de 1871 et celui du communisme libertaire formul\u00e9 \u00e0 la fin du 19\u00e8me si\u00e8cle par les penseurs anarchistes (Kropotkine, etc.) puis mis en pratique par les anarchistes espagnols en 1936 ou plus r\u00e9cemment le communalisme libertaire formul\u00e9 par Murray Bookchin.<\/p>\n<h5>Violence et contestation sociale: Le respect de la diversite\u0301 des tactiques en tant que norme organisationnelle antiautoritaire.<\/h5>\n<p>Vincent Beaulieu, Universit\u00e9 de Sherbrooke (Sherbrooke, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Le d\u00e9bat sur l\u2019usage de la violence est omnipr\u00e9sent dans la contestation sociale; on le retrouve dans les multiples d\u00e9finitions de la d\u00e9sob\u00e9issance civile, et il apparait \u00e9galement dans les mobilisations anticapitalistes, f\u00e9ministes, environnementalistes, altermondialistes, de d\u00e9colonisation, des droits civiques, contre les d\u00e9ploiements militaires, etc. Le respect de la diversit\u00e9 des tactiques se pr\u00e9sente comme une alternative \u00e0 ce d\u00e9bat et pr\u00f4ne une solidarit\u00e9 dans la multiplicit\u00e9 des m\u00e9thodes, violentes ou non. Cette strat\u00e9gie est pr\u00e9sente dans certains milieux militants, plus particuli\u00e8rement dans les r\u00e9seaux anti-autoritaire, en tant que norme organisationnelle visant des \u00e9v\u00e8nements sp\u00e9cifiques ou des mouvements plus larges. Le respect de la diversit\u00e9 des tactiques n\u2019est pas une solution miracle au sens o\u00f9 cette norme ne pr\u00e9tend pas enrayer toutes formes de conflit aux sein des groupes contestataires; il s\u2019agit plut\u00f4t d\u2019une attitude visant la reconnaissance mutuelle des diff\u00e9rents acteurs comme \u00e9tant les parties essentielles d\u2019une lutte globale vers un changement syst\u00e9mique. Ce sujet est au c\u0153ur des discussions concernant la convergence des fronts et constitue une forme organisationnelle de la r\u00e9sistance. La pr\u00e9sentation retrace l\u2019historique de la norme et pr\u00e9sente les balises qui la circonscrivent dans son contexte anti-autoritaire.   <\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">R\u00e9sister \u00e0 l&rsquo;\u00c9tat turque <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#000468; color:#fff\">R\u00e9pression et r\u00e9sistance<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Sam 14:00 &#8211; SH-2560 &#8211; EN &#8211; Atelier avanc\u00e9<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc108\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Esra Erdem, Alice Salomon University (Berlin, Allemagne) <\/br>Caglar  Dolek, Carleton University (Ottawa, Canada)<\/br>Emek Durmusoglu, INRS (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc108\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">R\u00e9sister \u00e0 l&rsquo;\u00c9tat turque <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5>The \u201eSolidarity Academies\u201c Movement in Turkey:  Emergent Practices of Resistance and Commoning <\/h5>\n<p>Esra Erdem, Alice Salomon University (Berlin, Allemagne) <\/br><\/p>\n<p>This presentation reflects on the emergent \u201eSolidarity Academies\u201c movement in Turkey as an unique experience of collective self-organisation and resistance by scholar-activists in the face of a massive crackdown on academic freedoms. Since early 2016, leftist students and scholars, including the signatories of a petition by the network Academics of Peace, have faced myriad forms of persecution, such as disciplinary measures by university administrations, dismissals, criminal charges, travel bans, detentions, denial of social security benefits, and hate speech in the media. In the face of this onslaught, the Academics for Peace network has developed a wide range of practices of resistance and networks of im\/material solidarity. Perhaps the most impressive response, however, has been the organisation of \u00ab\u00a0Solidarity Academies\u00a0\u00bb in several cities. Based on interviews, the presentation shows that these alternative spaces embrace and enact critical academic thinking at a time when this is becoming virtually impossible at Turkish universities. By engaging with civil society and the public at large, they create new forms of knowledge commons all over the country. Against the onslaught of neoliberal restructuring experienced in higher education worldwide, the \u00ab\u00a0Solidarity Academies\u00a0\u00bb demonstrate how non-hierarchical, collective forms of self-organisation by academics can inform new emancipatory visions of university. The different concepts informing individual \u00ab\u00a0Solidarity Academies\u00a0\u00bb, ranging from the improvised character of a street university to the formal structure of an educational cooperative, show how collective knowledge production and dissemination can constitute locally variegated acts of resistance. Challenges identified in the presentation include the financial precariousness of \u00ab\u00a0Solidarity Academies\u00a0\u00bb, repression by state authorities, and the struggle against internalised norms of hierarchy engrained in traditional academia.<\/p>\n<h5>Academics for Peace in Turkey:  Resisting through Solidarity Academies<\/h5>\n<p>Caglar  Dolek, Carleton University (Ottawa, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>The case of the Academics for Peace in Turkey has already become an international phenomenon representing a paradigmatic example for devastating consequences of neoliberal authoritarianism in the contemporary world. Since the declaration of Peace Petition in January 2016 calling for the state to end violence against the Kurdish people, the government responded to an exercise of freedom of expression through multiple strategies of suppression, including dismissals and suspensions from duty, disciplinary and criminal investigations, travel bans, police interrogations, detentions, imprisonment, mobbing, and intimidationUnder these circumstances, the dissident academics in Turkey have begun to engage in novel practices of academic production to nourish alternative forms of praxis for the sake of collective processes of knowledge production for and with people. Exemplified with over a dozen of solidarity academies, street academics and course cooperatives, these alternative practices not only represent a significant form of resistance against the repressive state strategies, but also present new potentialities for alternative and collective organization of public knowledge through emancipatory practices. Therefore, these particular experiences have much to offer as an alternative model that poses a fundamental question against the neoliberal academia. In this presentation, we aim to open a discussion on the experience of solidarity academies in Turkey with a quest to think about alternative, collective and progressive forms of knowledge production. We do think that this quest is of urgent importance within the context of deepening crises of global capitalism, which has resurfaced inherently violent and repressive nature of the capitalist states across the globe. Therefore, the case of Turkey does not constitute a narrow example from a peripheral setting, but may offer a broader alternative for emancipatory politics of the left today. <\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Emek Durmusoglu, INRS (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"row themeprogback\" style=\"background-image: url(https:\/\/thegreattransition.net\/wp-content\/uploads\/2018\/02\/municipal.jpg)\" id=\"12\">\n<div class=\"themetitle\" style=\"background-color: #c6c6c6;\">\n<h4 class=\"themefont\" style=\"color: #000;\">Luttes municipales<\/h4>\n<\/p><\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"row horaireback\">\n<div class=\"col-sm-2 col-xs-5\">                            <\/div>\n<div class=\"col-sm-10 col-xs-12\">\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Politique municipale et luttes urbaines <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#c6c6c6; color:#000\">Luttes municipales<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Sam 11:30 &#8211; SH-2560 &#8211; FR &#8211; Atelier introductif<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc94\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Mathieu Labelle, Centre de recherche sur les politiques et le d\u00e9veloppement social de l&rsquo;Universit\u00e9 de Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Joseph EL-Khoury, Universit\u00e9 de Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc94\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Politique municipale et luttes urbaines <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5>Une perspective rurale du municipale comme espace de transformation politique<\/h5>\n<p>Mathieu Labelle, Centre de recherche sur les politiques et le d\u00e9veloppement social de l&rsquo;Universit\u00e9 de Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Pour cette pr\u00e9sentation, je mobiliserais les conclusions de mon m\u00e9moire de ma\u00eetrise afin de discuter de la perspective d\u2019une radicalisation de la d\u00e9mocratie locale en contexte rural. Formellement, ce m\u00e9moire analyse la mani\u00e8re dont une autonomie locale plus ou moins prononc\u00e9e des collectivit\u00e9s rurales influence les capacit\u00e9s de d\u00e9veloppement de leurs r\u00e9seaux d&rsquo;actions publiques. \u00c0 l\u2019origine, ce projet de recherche a \u00e9man\u00e9 de r\u00e9flexions \u00e0 propos de municipalisme libertaire, de communalisme et autres autogouvernances locales, mais aussi \u00e0 propos des enjeux de diffusion des savoirs et de l\u2019efficacit\u00e9 de l\u2019action publique d\u00e9mocratique. La volont\u00e9 ultime, et politique, de la recherche \u00e9tait de \u00ab tester \u00bb certaines conditions de possibilit\u00e9 d\u2019une transition post-capitaliste et post-\u00e9tatiste par une radicalisation de la d\u00e9mocratie municipale, non pas dans les grands centres urbains, mais au sein de ce que l\u2019on con\u00e7oit souvent comme le terreau des manifestations conservatrices. La d\u00e9marche s\u2019est av\u00e9r\u00e9e r\u00e9solument (auto-)critique dans la mesure o\u00f9 elle devait mettre \u00e0 l\u2019\u00e9preuve plusieurs convictions, si l\u2019on admet que les tendances anarchisantes de la gouvernance posent des enjeux humains fondamentaux, tant du point de vue de la relation au pouvoir (ou \u00e0 la puissance) que pour l\u2019efficacit\u00e9 de l\u2019activit\u00e9 productive et d\u2019une allocation \u00e9quitable des ressources. De m\u00eame, afin d\u2019illustrer le propos et pour lancer la discussion sur les formes d\u2019engagement et leurs limites, je terminerais la pr\u00e9sentation en utilisant en exemples les deux tendances de mon engagement politique. L\u2019une d\u2019elles est une volont\u00e9 de transformation sociale entre autres par la formation d\u2019une association communautaire et la mise en place de projets collectifs. L\u2019autre se situe au niveau de recherches pour Qu\u00e9bec solidaire sur une fiscalit\u00e9 municipale autonome et \u00e9quitable ainsi que sur les conditions d\u2019un virage d\u00e9lib\u00e9ratif et participatif de la d\u00e9mocratie locale.  <\/p>\n<h5>Transition pour des villes neutres en carbone: Le travail institutionnel des mouvements sociaux pour la transformation urbaine<\/h5>\n<p>Joseph EL-Khoury, Universit\u00e9 de Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Les villes occupent une position centrale et essentielles \u00e0 la mise en actions des objectifs de l\u2019Accord de Paris COP21 (Bulkeley, 2015), qui fixe l&rsquo;objectif d&rsquo;un monde neutre en carbone d&rsquo;ici 2050 (Unfccc, 2015) . Le projet est une recherche participative au sein de la Coalition Climat Montr\u00e9al , une organisation de la soci\u00e9t\u00e9 civile regroupant plus de soixante groupes et communaut\u00e9s. Bas\u00e9 sur la th\u00e9orie des Sustainability Transitions , le projet de recherche consiste \u00e0 identifier qui sont les acteurs impliqu\u00e9s dans la transition \u00e9cologique \u00e0 Montr\u00e9al, quelles sont les caract\u00e9ristiques de leurs relations de pouvoir multi-acteurs, comment ces relations de pouvoir \u00e9voluent, et comment le pouvoir et les acteurs sont encadr\u00e9s et contest\u00e9s \u00e0 de nombreux niveaux de logiques institutionnelles (Avellino Et Wittmayer, 2016). Le d\u00e9fis est de mieux comprendre les tensions entre gouvernance d\u00e9mocratique et les changements radicaux jug\u00e9es n\u00e9cessaires \u00e0 la transition, ou comment les nouveaux comportements sociaux et les nouvelles politiques luttent et rivalisent avec les \u00ab r\u00e9gimes \u00bb sociotechniques dominants qui existent d\u00e9j\u00e0 (Stirling, 2011). Le v\u00e9ritable potentiel des villes face aux changements climatiques n&rsquo;est pas de se conformer aux cadres et aux modes de fonctionnement existants au sein des institutions internationales de la politique climatique, mais d&rsquo;\u00e9clairer comment d&rsquo;autres voies sont possibles (Bulkeley, 2015).Le vis\u00e9 appliqu\u00e9 du projet de recherche est de contribuer \u00e0 \u00e9clairer la pratique des initiatives citoyennes de transition \u00e0 Montr\u00e9al, dans le but de les rendre plus effectives (Markard, Raven et Truffer, 2012).<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Luttes urbaines \u00e0 travers le monde <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#c6c6c6; color:#000\">Luttes municipales<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Sam 14:00 &#8211; SH-3560 &#8211; EN &#8211; Atelier introductif<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc101\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Diego Polanco, Univeristy of Massachusets, Amherst (Amherst, MA, \u00c9tats-Unis) <\/br>Jon Careless, York University (Toronto, Canada)<\/br>Anna Kruzynski, Concordia University (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Blake Poland, University of Toronto (Dalla Lana School of Public Health) (Toronto, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc101\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Luttes urbaines \u00e0 travers le monde <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5>Dystopian urban development in Central Chile and emergence of resistances<\/h5>\n<p>Diego Polanco, Univeristy of Massachusets, Amherst (Amherst, MA, \u00c9tats-Unis) <\/br><\/p>\n<p>Socio-environmental conflicts in Chile have emerged systematically due natural resource industrialization during the post-dictatorship period (1990 onwards). Displacement of communities in the big-north pushed by the mining industry, red tide produced by the salmon industry in the south, and serious health issues for the poor because massive pollution produced by the energy sector in several cities of the country.  However, the emergence of socio-environmental conflicts initiated by real estate capital is a rare phenomenon. Following Harvey\u00b4s theorization of the urban process, I analyze the extended urbanization of Chile\u2019s metropolitan area and socio-environmental consequences of second ownerships in the central coast edge as a mechanism of accumulation by dispossession, considering both economic and ideological aspects.  I argue that second ownership projected as urban utopias &#8211; amenities of the urban in a natural setting &#8211; are ideological artifacts hiding dystopian developments for the environment, national archaeological heritage and local communities. From this theoretical departure, I analyze the emergence and strategies, of \u00ab\u00a0Protege Los Molles\u00a0\u00bb a social movement aiming to protect a natural common of national relevance which has been successful so far in its task. This conflict shows that local communities can play an important part in national politics in order to resist and maybe fulfill aims locally but not for broader social change. However, to bring to the fore successful local practices of resistance allow us to have a bigger toolkit to mobilize, resist and organize.<\/p>\n<h5>Bringing Vision into Reality: Exploring how the Right to the City is adjudicated in Toronto<\/h5>\n<p>Jon Careless, York University (Toronto, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>The great French Marxist Philosopher Henri Lefebvre is often credited with popularizing the notion of \u2018the right to the city\u2019 (RTTC), that is the right to determine the course of neighborhood change. Lefebvre himself articulated this right as possessing a two-sided objective, at once a cry and a demand. The former denotes the right to acquire the necessities of life: food, water, shelter and the freedom to think and express oneself creatively and with joy. The latter is a demand for a sense of connection that is lost in the present but that can be re-attained in the future. The connection is found when the rural communal way of living becomes bonded with the individual self-expression of the city inhabitant. This presentation will examine the struggle over the RTTC within Toronto amongst various social forces, including community organizers, others associated with the interests of the capitalist class, civil society generally, and the state itself which acts as a mediating force that helps adjudicate this right between interested parties. Specifically, I will be examining how the RTTC becomes politicized, that is, engaged with the state. It is only by either engaging with a state that is cooperative or by working towards dissolving an obstructive state that community organizers can realize alternative visions for urban living that are anti-capitalist in orientation. One may be inclined to assume the state tends to adjudicate the RTTC in favor of the capitalist class wherein resources are monopolized. What I\u2019m interested in looking at, though, are those instances where the state has helped realize counter-hegemonic interests associated with community organizers. If such instances can be identified, I will investigate whether the objectives of these activists remain subject to being compromised by the state. This presentation is intended to contribute to my eventual dissertation.<\/p>\n<h5>Commoning property in the City: Building power in Point St. Charles <\/h5>\n<p>Anna Kruzynski, Concordia University (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Gentrification is today recognized as a global force affecting urban communities across the world. As neoliberal and urban revitalization policies and practices contribute to increased capital flows, less privileged populations are displaced. At the heart this phenomenon is struggle around property. The analysis herein, following J.K. Gibson-Graham, will demonstrate how a non-capitalocentric framing of property can help open up the horizon of post-capitalist possibilities for fundamental social change. It will do so by bringing to light the existence of a diversity of commons-communities in Point St. Charles who are engaged in the practice of commoning of different types of property. Point St. Charles, a post-industrial, traditionally working-class neighbourhood of Montreal, renowned as a bastion of strength, solidarity and resistance, has managed to slow down the forces of gentrification in ways that adjacent neighbourhoods have not. Well-known, for example, is the successful campaign run by grassroots community organisations in 2006 to stop the plans of a capitalist developer to move the Montreal Casino to Point St. Charles, along with a large-scale international conference center. This presentation proposes to explain this David-and-Goliath phenomenon as resulting, at least in part, from the direct actions of contemporary commons-communities embedded in historical commons. Using three examples of contemporary commons \u2013 Le Jardin de la libert\u00e9 (garden of liberty), a community mural and Building 7 &#8211; it\u2019ll be shown how the associated commons-communities are constantly articulating assemblages, or, in other words, bringing into their midst humans and non-human elements that render them more durable, thereby generating power that is sustained over time. Will also be discussed the similarities, differences and complexities of commoning different types of property; in this case a city-owned plot of land, a stock-corporation-owned viaduct and a privately-owned industrial building who\u2019s ownership was transferred to a non-profit organisation after many years of struggle by grassroots organisations<\/p>\n<h5>Transition Towns: A Global Social Movement for Transition Takes Root in Canada &#8211; Results of a pan-Canadian research study<\/h5>\n<p>Blake Poland, University of Toronto (Dalla Lana School of Public Health) (Toronto, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>North America is entering a period of significant change characterized by a changing climate, mounting energy insecurity, unprecedented ecosystem degradation, and widening socioeconomic inequalities. These challenges pose significant concerns for the organization of social life, which some environmental\/social movements have taken on with gusto. \u2018Transition Towns\u2019 are one such movement that seeks to build community resilience through the re-localization of basic needs while emphasizing opportunities for greater social connectedness and celebration.  This place-based approach to sustainability has the potential to address trans-boundary environmental challenges in the context of local assets and opportunities.  Our presentation delivers findings from a mixed-methods investigation of the emergence of the Transition movement in Canada. The Transition Emerging Study (TES) employed a \u2018practice theory\u2019 perspective to produce a contextualized account of the Transition movement while describing the conditions that support and normalize locally grounded, sustainable and equitable social relations. Specifically, we will: [1] introduce the Transition model, the rationale behind our study, and the study\u2019s theory and methods; and [2] present findings from interviews with movement founders and e-surveys with movement participants, focusing on movement practices and equity considerations.  In addition, a local Transition Initiative co-founder will share a local Montreal-area example of movement work in progress, and offer reactions to the research, thereby promoting dialogue between research and practice.  By integrating the experiences of our interdisciplinary research team with the lived experience of Transition, we therefore explore how moving beyond disciplinary and social boundaries can offer insight into the power of building resilience through social movements.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Le municipalisme radical : l&rsquo;exp\u00e9rience de Montr\u00e9al <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#c6c6c6; color:#000\">Luttes municipales<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Dim 9:30 &#8211; SH-3560 &#8211; EN &#8211; Atelier introductif<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc64\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">With the majority of humanity now living in cities, and 600 urban centres generating 60% of global GDP, cities are pivotal in the modern world. And while national electoral politics tend to be dispiriting, with limited possibility for change, cities and towns are increasingly at the forefront of counter-hegemonic struggles. Solidarity cities, local elections of socialist councillors, and city-based climate justice organizing have made the municipality the key actor of progressive victories in No&#8230;<\/p>\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Aaron Vansintjan, R\u00e9seau d&rsquo;action municipale (Montr\u00e9al, Canada) <\/br>Craig Sauv\u00e9, Projet Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Donald Cuccioletta, Universit\u00e9 du Qu\u00e9bec \u00e0 Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Marie Blais, UQAM (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Animation: Clara-Swan Kennedy<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc64\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Le municipalisme radical : l&rsquo;exp\u00e9rience de Montr\u00e9al <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>With the majority of humanity now living in cities, and 600 urban centres generating 60% of global GDP, cities are pivotal in the modern world. And while national electoral politics tend to be dispiriting, with limited possibility for change, cities and towns are increasingly at the forefront of counter-hegemonic struggles. Solidarity cities, local elections of socialist councillors, and city-based climate justice organizing have made the municipality the key actor of progressive victories in North America since the Trump election. Montreal has long been a hotbed of this kind of creative municipalist activism. From self-organized community clinics, to institutionalized childcare collectives, solidarity city organizing, grassroots democratic student federations, dual-power strategies like neighborhood-level confederation of radical groups resisting gentrification, and the largest cooperative housing and community garden system in North America, Montreal&rsquo;s municipalist movement represents a model for innovative and inspiring 21st-century activism. With the 2017 victory of Proj\u00e9t Montr\u00e9al, a progressive municipalist party, new questions arise around how the city&rsquo;s radical movements interact with them, and what opportunities and challenges this new development presents. The world has been inspired by audacious municipalist models such as of Barcelona en Com\u00fa, the global Right to the City movement, Cooperation Jackson in Jackson, Mississippi, and even democratic confederalism in Kurdish-majority Rojava among many other examples. Can Montreal follow in their footsteps? In this panel discussion, involving seasoned Montreal municipalist activists and an elected official with Projet Montreal, we describe the Montreal municipalist experience, outline some of the theoretical background that can help us understand the new municipalist movements around the world, and discuss what the Proj\u00e9t Montr\u00e9al victory can mean for radical movements in Montr\u00e9al going forward. We will also use the space to invite representatives of other municipalist movements and initiate discussion on the potential of radical municipalism throughout North America. \/ Avec la majorit\u00e9 de l&rsquo;humanit\u00e9 vivant dans les villes et avec seulement 600 centres urbains g\u00e9n\u00e9rant 60% du PIB global, la crucialit\u00e9 des villes dans le monde moderne est \u00e9vidente. Tandis que les politiques \u00e9lectorales nationales ont tendance \u00e0 \u00eatre d\u00e9courageantes, offrant peu de possibilit\u00e9s de changements, les villes et leurs quartiers sont de plus en plus au front de la lutte contre-h\u00e9g\u00e9monique. Les villes solidaires, les \u00e9lections locales de conseillers socialistes et les organisations urbaines pour la justice climatique ont fait de la municipalit\u00e9 une actrice clef des victoires progressistes en Am\u00e9rique depuis l&rsquo;\u00e9lection de Trump. Montr\u00e9al est depuis longtemps un bastion de ce type d&rsquo;activisme municipaliste. Des cliniques communautaires autog\u00e9r\u00e9es aux institutions collectives de service de garde en passant par les organisations pour une ville solidaire et les conf\u00e9d\u00e9rations \u00e9tudiantes d\u00e9mocratiques, les strat\u00e9gies de double pouvoir telles que les groupes radicaux de r\u00e9sistance contre l\u2019embourgeoisement, le plus grand syst\u00e8me coop\u00e9ratif d\u2019habitation et de jardins communautaire en Am\u00e9rique du Nord, le mouvement municipaliste de Montr\u00e9al repr\u00e9sente un mod\u00e8le d&rsquo;activisme innovateur, inspirant du 21ieme si\u00e8cle.En 2017, avec la victoire de Projet Montr\u00e9al, un parti municipal \u00e0 aspiration progressiste, de nouvelles questions se sont pos\u00e9es \u00e0 propos des interactions entre la mairie et les mouvements municipalistes de la ville, des opportunit\u00e9s et des d\u00e9fis que les nouveaux d\u00e9veloppements repr\u00e9sentent. Le monde entier a \u00e9t\u00e9 inspir\u00e9 par des mod\u00e8les municipalistes audacieux tels que Barcelona en Com\u00fa, le mouvement global du droit \u00e0 la ville, Coop\u00e9ration Jackson \u00e0 Jackson, Mississipi et le Conf\u00e9d\u00e9ralisme D\u00e9mocratique \u00e0 Rojava. Les mouvements municipaux de Montr\u00e9al pourront-ils s\u2019inscrire \u00e0 cette liste de mouvements r\u00e9volutionnaires? \u00c0 cette table-ronde, \u00e0 laquelle participeront des activistes municipalistes d\u2019exp\u00e9riences et un.e \u00e9lu.e officiel.le de Projet Montr\u00e9al, nous d\u00e9crirons l\u2019exp\u00e9rience municipaliste Montr\u00e9alaise et ferons un survol de certaines notions th\u00e9oriques qui pourront nous aider \u00e0 comprendre les nouveaux mouvements municipalistes \u00e0 travers le monde et les impact possibles que pourrait avoir la victoire de Projet Montr\u00e9al pour les mouvements radicaux de Montr\u00e9al. Nous utiliserons \u00e9galement cet espace pour inviter des repr\u00e9sentants d&rsquo;autres mouvements municipalistes et initier une discussion \u00e0 propos du potentiel du municipalisme libertaire en Am\u00e9rique du Nord.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p>Aaron Vansintjan, R\u00e9seau d&rsquo;action municipale (Montr\u00e9al, Canada) <\/br><\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Craig Sauv\u00e9, Projet Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Donald Cuccioletta, Universit\u00e9 du Qu\u00e9bec \u00e0 Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Marie Blais, UQAM (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<p>Animation: Clara-Swan Kennedy<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"row themeprogback\" style=\"background-image: url(https:\/\/thegreattransition.net\/wp-content\/uploads\/2018\/02\/unionism.jpg)\" id=\"13\">\n<div class=\"themetitle\" style=\"background-color: #a84025;\">\n<h4 class=\"themefont\" style=\"color: #fff;\">Syndicalisme<\/h4>\n<\/p><\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"row horaireback\">\n<div class=\"col-sm-2 col-xs-5\">                            <\/div>\n<div class=\"col-sm-10 col-xs-12\">\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Les grands d\u00e9fis des syndicats du secteur public : r\u00e9sister et reconstruire<span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#a84025; color:#fff\">Syndicalisme<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Ven 11:30 &#8211; PK-1705 &#8211; FR &#8211; Atelier introductif<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc159\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">Les syndicats au Qu\u00e9bec et partout dans le monde font face \u00e0 de grands d\u00e9fis. Partout, les politiques dites \u00ab aust\u00e9ritaires \u00bb imposent des carcans restrictifs. La \u00ab r\u00e9organisation \u00bb des services publics fragilise les conditions de travail (travail \u00e0 temps partiel, sur appel, temps suppl\u00e9mentaire obligatoire, etc.) des travailleuses et des travailleurs. Alors qu\u2019on privil\u00e9gie quelques acteurs, comme les m\u00e9decins et les hauts-dirigeants, nos gouvernements sabrent dans les acquis de la grande masse&#8230;<\/p>\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Nancy B\u00e9dard, Pr\u00e9sidente de la F\u00e9d\u00e9ration interprofessionnelle de la sant\u00e9 () <\/br>Dominique Daigneault, Conseil Central CSN (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>S\u00e9bastien Robert, Syndicaliste et charg\u00e9 de cours (Beloeil, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Animation: Pierre Beaudet<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc159\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Les grands d\u00e9fis des syndicats du secteur public : r\u00e9sister et reconstruire<\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Les syndicats au Qu\u00e9bec et partout dans le monde font face \u00e0 de grands d\u00e9fis. Partout, les politiques dites \u00ab aust\u00e9ritaires \u00bb imposent des carcans restrictifs. La \u00ab r\u00e9organisation \u00bb des services publics fragilise les conditions de travail (travail \u00e0 temps partiel, sur appel, temps suppl\u00e9mentaire obligatoire, etc.) des travailleuses et des travailleurs. Alors qu\u2019on privil\u00e9gie quelques acteurs, comme les m\u00e9decins et les hauts-dirigeants, nos gouvernements sabrent dans les acquis de la grande masse des gens qui sont pourtant l\u2019\u00e9pine dorsale du secteur public. Entre-temps, les faiseurs d\u2019opinion, m\u00e9dias et partis de droite en t\u00eate, reproduisent un discours hostile, contre les \u00ab privil\u00e9gi\u00e9-es \u00bb du secteur public et les organisations syndicales. Or, les mouvements populaires de soutien aux services publics sont de plus en plus pr\u00e9sents, que ce soit pour les services de sant\u00e9 ou de l\u2019\u00e9ducation.La r\u00e9cente vague de protestation des professionnelles en soins leur a permis de d\u00e9noncer leurs conditions de travail insupportables sur la place publique. Mais surtout, leur mobilisation a permis aux syndicats de la FIQ d\u2019\u00e9tablir un rapport de force avec le gouvernement et les employeurs du r\u00e9seau public de sant\u00e9 pour faire diminuer le temps suppl\u00e9mentaire obligatoire et instaurer des ratios professionnelles en soins\/patients s\u00e9curitaires. La mobilisation du personnel et des usagers des CPE, \u00e0 la fois pour imposer une convention qui a de l\u2019allure et \u00e9galement pour pr\u00e9server l\u2019existence m\u00eame des CPE, est un autre exemple illustrant des pistes prometteuses. Ici et l\u00e0, il y a de \u00ab petites \u00bb batailles qui ne sont pas si petites que cela pour r\u00e9sister, s\u2019organiser, am\u00e9liorer les prestations et d\u00e9mocratiser les lieux de travail.Parall\u00e8lement, des syndicats s\u2019activent pour promouvoir une \u00ab grande transition \u00bb, au-del\u00e0 d\u2019un syst\u00e8me hi\u00e9rarchique et de plus en plus obsol\u00e8te qui ne cesse de privatiser, de marchandiser et de creuser les \u00e9carts sociaux. Cette \u00ab grande transition \u00bb sera \u00e9ventuellement construite autour d\u2019un secteur public agissant comme pivot d\u2019une soci\u00e9t\u00e9 plus juste et \u00e9quitable.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p>Nancy B\u00e9dard, Pr\u00e9sidente de la F\u00e9d\u00e9ration interprofessionnelle de la sant\u00e9 () <\/br><\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Dominique Daigneault, Conseil Central CSN (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>S\u00e9bastien Robert, Syndicaliste et charg\u00e9 de cours (Beloeil, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<p>Animation: Pierre Beaudet<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Introduction \u00e0 l&rsquo;analyse des structures de pouvoir <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#a84025; color:#fff\">Syndicalisme<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Ven 16:00 &#8211; SH-3620 &#8211; EN(Traduction disponible) &#8211; Atelier introductif<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc15\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">Building Power Requires Understanding How to Analyze Power Structures, Our and the OppositionsGood strategy depends on good power structure analysis. In this session, McAlevey will introduce a method of power structure analysis she\u2019s been using successfully in big and small campaigns for over 30 years. This is not a skills session, that would take several days, but it is an overview and introduction of the core concepts and methods.<\/p>\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Jane McAlevey, Consultante syndicale (\u00c9tats-Unis) <\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc15\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Introduction \u00e0 l&rsquo;analyse des structures de pouvoir <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Building Power Requires Understanding How to Analyze Power Structures, Our and the OppositionsGood strategy depends on good power structure analysis. In this session, McAlevey will introduce a method of power structure analysis she\u2019s been using successfully in big and small campaigns for over 30 years. This is not a skills session, that would take several days, but it is an overview and introduction of the core concepts and methods.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p>Jane McAlevey, Consultante syndicale (\u00c9tats-Unis) <\/br><\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">L\u2019internationalisme syndical aujourd\u2019hui<span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#a84025; color:#fff\">Syndicalisme<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Sam 11:30 &#8211; SH-3320 &#8211; FR &#8211; Atelier introductif<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc157\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Thomas Collombat, Universit\u00e9 du Qu\u00e9bec en Outaouais (Hull, Canada)<\/br>Manon Perron, Centrale des Syndicats Nationaux (CSN) (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Am\u00e9lie N&rsquo;Guyen, Centre international de solidarit\u00e9 ouvri\u00e8re (CISO) (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Christophe Aguiton, Universit\u00e9 Paris-Est Marne-la-Vall\u00e9e (Paris, France)<\/br>Katherine Nastovski, McMaster University (Hamilton, ON, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Animation: Pierre Beaudet<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc157\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">L\u2019internationalisme syndical aujourd\u2019hui<\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Thomas Collombat, Universit\u00e9 du Qu\u00e9bec en Outaouais (Hull, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Manon Perron, Centrale des Syndicats Nationaux (CSN) (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Am\u00e9lie N&rsquo;Guyen, Centre international de solidarit\u00e9 ouvri\u00e8re (CISO) (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Christophe Aguiton, Universit\u00e9 Paris-Est Marne-la-Vall\u00e9e (Paris, France)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Katherine Nastovski, McMaster University (Hamilton, ON, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<p>Animation: Pierre Beaudet<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Les syndicats et les changements sociaux radicaux : la strat\u00e9gie de la base syndicale <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#a84025; color:#fff\">Syndicalisme<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Sam 14:00 &#8211; SH-3620 &#8211; EN(Traduction disponible) &#8211; Atelier introductif<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc52\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">Governments and bosses across North America continue their offensive against unions, compelling them to adopt concessionary contracts or busting them. The old model of business unionism, in which union leaders hoped to achieve a partnership with their government and private sector bosses in the interests of their members, has utterly failed to defend let alone revive the union movement. An alternative would be to revive the radical tradition of rank-and-file unionism to defend their members, fig&#8230;<\/p>\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Alain Savard, Lutte Commune (Montr\u00e9al, Canada) <\/br>Charlie Post, City University of New York (New York, USA)<\/br>Amy Muldoon, Socialist Worker (New York, USA)<\/br>Suzanne MacNeil, Halifax-Darmouth and District Labour Council (Halifax, Canada)<\/br>Eleni Schirmer, UW-Madison (Madison, USA)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Animation: Todd Gordon<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc52\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Les syndicats et les changements sociaux radicaux : la strat\u00e9gie de la base syndicale <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Governments and bosses across North America continue their offensive against unions, compelling them to adopt concessionary contracts or busting them. The old model of business unionism, in which union leaders hoped to achieve a partnership with their government and private sector bosses in the interests of their members, has utterly failed to defend let alone revive the union movement. An alternative would be to revive the radical tradition of rank-and-file unionism to defend their members, fight for better contracts, and turn unions into leading organizations of a broader class struggle for all those oppressed and exploited. How to confront the labor bureaucracy to achieve this? What are the successful examples of the rank and file strategy? What is the importance and limits of a combative and broad union movement in a strategy for global radical social changes?<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p>Alain Savard, Lutte Commune (Montr\u00e9al, Canada) <\/br><\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Charlie Post, City University of New York (New York, USA)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Amy Muldoon, Socialist Worker (New York, USA)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Suzanne MacNeil, Halifax-Darmouth and District Labour Council (Halifax, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5>Changing Structures, Structuring Change: The Rise of Social Justice Unionism in the Milwaukee Teachers&rsquo; Union<\/h5>\n<p>Eleni Schirmer, UW-Madison (Madison, USA)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>In the past decade, swelling economic crises have compressed public institutions with crushing force, prompting intense debate about their value. This conflict was acutely dramatized in Wisconsin in 2011, when the Legislature imposed startlingly severe limits on the public sector unions. These changes, known as Act 10, particularly affected public education workers &#8211; who comprise over sixty percent of the state\u2019s public-sector employees &#8211; and public education institutions: they enabled the largest cuts to public education funding in Wisconsin history and radically expanded the private school choice movement. What\u2019s more, Act 10 legitimized a long-building ideological narrative that asserts that organized public workers, especially educators, are responsible for the state\u2019s economic difficulties. Following Wisconsin\u2019s Act 10, other states have unfurled similar laws and a pending U.S. Supreme Court case threatens to turn Wisconsin- style labor restrictions into national law. As Wisconsin\u2019s labor policy may become the nation\u2019s, this paper examines how the state\u2019s largest union, Milwaukee Teachers Education Association, managed not only to survive, but to become an unexpected leader in social movements to fortify public education, reversing its previous legacy of inactivity. Thus, this research explores the unsteady role of the Milwaukee teachers\u2019 union in the city\u2019s shifting political economy. This paper examines two dimensions. First, I look historically at MTEA\u2019s recalcitrant responses to the budding social movements in the mid 1960s and 1970s, especially Milwaukee\u2019s civil rights movements and the statewide labor movement, to examine how the union\u2019s actions contributed to the subsequent movement for \u201cschool choice\u201d that emerged in the 1990s in Milwaukee Milwaukee\u2019s voucher program \u2013the nation\u2019s first \u2013 was catalyzed by Milwaukee\u2019s civil rights actors, and has since merged with broader anti-labor movements. Second, I look at contemporary struggles of MTEA to resist further educational privatization and racial segregation, mobilizing as a social justice union. This research reframes the role of public sector unions in an increasingly privatized economy. <\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<p>Animation: Todd Gordon<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Les syndicats contre le racisme <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#a84025; color:#fff\">Syndicalisme<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Sam 16:00 &#8211; SH-2620 &#8211; EN\/FR(Traduction disponible) &#8211; Atelier introductif<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc85\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Chrislain Eric Kenfack, York University (Toronto, Canada) <\/br>Michael Billeaux, University of Wisconsin-Madison (Madison, WI, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br>Walda Katz-Fishman, Howard University, Project South (Washington, DC, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br>Jerome Scott, Project South: Institute for the Elimination of Poverty &#038; Genocide (\u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc85\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Les syndicats contre le racisme <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5>Syndicalisme des Mouvements Sociaux et Anti-Syst\u00e9misme: Le\u00e7ons du Syndicalisme Anti-Apartheid Sud-Africain<\/h5>\n<p>Chrislain Eric Kenfack, York University (Toronto, Canada) <\/br><\/p>\n<p>L\u2019une des plus grandes r\u00e9ussites du capitalisme, malheureuseument, est d\u2019avoir pu cr\u00e9er des fractures profondes: Fracture entre l\u2019homme et la nature; fracture entre les travailleurs, les processus de production et la gestion des retomb\u00e9s de leur production; fracture entre les travailleurs et leurs commaunaut\u00e9s entre autres. Ces fractures, faut-il le noter, ont le m\u00e9rite de permettre au capital de mieux exploiter chacune de ses victimes isol\u00e9ment, et de continuer, sans obstacles majeures, sa marche socio-environementalement destructive d\u2019accumulation capitaliste. De nos jours, \u00e0 cause de cela, la soci\u00e9t\u00e9 semble profond\u00e9ment convaincue de deux choses: 1) Le syst\u00e8me capitaliste est invincible; 2) Il n\u2019existe pas d\u2019alternatives fiables \u00e0 un tel syst\u00e8me destructeur. Face \u00e0 une telle situation, il est plus que importanmt de compter sur les forces exog\u00e8nes et endog\u00e8nes capables de lutter contre le capital de fa\u00e7on durable et efficace. Parmi ces forces, nous avons surtout les travailleurs dont la contribution dans les cycles d\u2019exploitation, production et distribution est fondamental pour la survie du capital et du capitalisme. Autrement dit, le capitalisme ne sera jamais vaincu sans l\u2019action des travailleurs et surtout des syndicats. D\u2019o\u00f9 l\u2019urgence d\u2019une re-fondation du syndicalisme pour le rendre plus inclusif d\u2019autres mouvements\/reclammations sociaux, environementaux et communautaires anti-capitalistes. Des exemples venant de certains pays du Sud global comme le Br\u00e9sil, les Philippines, la Cor\u00e9e du Sud et l\u2019Afrique du Sud entre autres sont \u00e9difiants et peuvent servir de point de d\u00e9part pour la renaissance du syndicalisme. ainsi, situ\u00e9 dans le cadre global des luttes anti-h\u00e9moniques contre le capitalisme, et en tant que mouvement social et r\u00e9sistance par le bas, cette communication s\u2019inspirera sp\u00e9cifiquement du r\u00f4le qu\u2019a jou\u00e9 le syndicalisme des mouvements sociaux Sud Africain avec une convergence des diff\u00e9rents fronts et secteurs dans la chutte de l\u2019apartheid, pour postuler les bases d\u2019une refondation du syndicalisme aujourd\u2019hui.<\/p>\n<h5>Solidarity and Conflict in the Cream City: The dynamics of militant interracial unionism in Milwaukee<\/h5>\n<p>Michael Billeaux, University of Wisconsin-Madison (Madison, WI, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>This talk is about the dynamics of militant interracial unionism from the Great Depression to the Civil Rights era. On a more mournful note it is about the harrowing defeat for the project of interracial class formation suffered in this period, through the lens of one urban theater of class conflict in the United States. During the Great Depression, the intensification of class struggle and the growing influence of left-wing politics established pockets of thoroughgoing interracial unionism in Milwaukee, most visibly and earliest in the ILA 815. The opening up of more industrial employment opportunities for Blacks during and immediately after the war would present more opportunities for the emergence of interracial unionism. Bringing four other local unions into comparison \u2013 UAW 248, UE 1111, USW 1173, and DALU 19806 \u2013 I account for the differences in racial dynamics across these locals based on the characteristics of the employers, the respective union structures, and the internal factional battles within the unions; the latter, of course, are closely tied to &lsquo;external&rsquo; factors, affected by the broader political ecology of the Milwaukee scene. I then track the decline of interracial unionism in the city as more conservative political tendencies within the labor movement as well as organized capitalists marginalized left-wing tendencies and whittled away rank-and-file shop floor power. Into the 1950s and early 60s, I trace the small but significant organizations keeping the working-class struggle against racism alive until the Civil Rights Movement finally came to Milwaukee.<\/p>\n<h5>Resistance to Revolution: Lessons from the League of Revolutionary Black Workers for 21st Century Transformation<\/h5>\n<p>Walda Katz-Fishman, Howard University, Project South (Washington, DC, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>We analyze race, class, and black labor within the current political moment. The whole world is in transition and embodies an irreversible capitalist crisis, intensifying state violence, white supremacy, xenophobia, patriarchy, ecocide, political polarity, and struggle from below. The 2017 Trump presidency ushered in an intensification of the polarization of wealth and poverty, democracy for billionaire capitalists, and developing fascism for the masses. Forces of resistance, and revolution are rising up. Black workers at the point of production in the 1960s are today at the point of dispossession, state violence, and ecological crisis. They are a conscious and powerful force within today\u2019s multiracial, multinational, multigendered class struggle for humanity and the planet.Through video from the League of Revolutionary Black Workers (LRBW) media and education project, we share lessons for a new generation of movement actors rooted in decades of political practice and theoretical study of former members of the LRBW in the Revolutionary Union Movement organizations (RUMs) in the Detroit plants for auto and related industries and their communities, from 1968 to 1970. Their lives and practice \u2013 many still engaged in class struggle \u2013 provide a focus on black workers in relation to shifts in capitalist production, the state, and the revolutionary process (www.revolutionaryblackworkers.org).  A critical overarching lesson is \u201cit\u2019s easy to be a revolutionary in revolutionary times, but it takes theory to be a revolutionary in ebb times.\u201d An essential question is how much power will labor have when labor is in competition with robots? Today a new class created by labor replacing technology is developing outside of capitalist class relations that requires the abolition of private property and reorganization of society. It\u2019s imperative that today\u2019s movement develop a vision and strategy, including theoretical education, to inform political practice in relation to the revolutionary process in the 21st century. <\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Jerome Scott, Project South: Institute for the Elimination of Poverty &#038; Genocide (\u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"row themeprogback\" style=\"background-image: url(https:\/\/thegreattransition.net\/wp-content\/uploads\/2018\/02\/theorie.jpg)\" id=\"14\">\n<div class=\"themetitle\" style=\"background-color: #a40000;\">\n<h4 class=\"themefont\" style=\"color: #fff;\">Th\u00e9orie critique<\/h4>\n<\/p><\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"row horaireback\">\n<div class=\"col-sm-2 col-xs-5\">                            <\/div>\n<div class=\"col-sm-10 col-xs-12\">\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Qu&rsquo;est-ce que le capital en tant que pouvoir? <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#a40000; color:#fff\">Th\u00e9orie critique<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Ven 9:30 &#8211; SH-3220 &#8211; EN &#8211; Atelier introductif<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc5\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">The \u2018capital as power\u2019 approach (CasP) offers a radical alternative to both liberal and Marxist political economies. In this approach, capital is viewed not as a productive economic entity, but as the central power institution of capitalist society at large, while capitalism as a whole is seen not as mode of production and consumption, but as a mode of power. The presentation highlights the main features of CasP, contrasts it with liberalism and Marxism, and outlines some of its key findings and&#8230;<\/p>\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Jonathan  Nitzan, York University (Toronto, Canada) <\/br>Shimshon Bichler,  (Israel)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc5\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Qu&rsquo;est-ce que le capital en tant que pouvoir? <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>The \u2018capital as power\u2019 approach (CasP) offers a radical alternative to both liberal and Marxist political economies. In this approach, capital is viewed not as a productive economic entity, but as the central power institution of capitalist society at large, while capitalism as a whole is seen not as mode of production and consumption, but as a mode of power. The presentation highlights the main features of CasP, contrasts it with liberalism and Marxism, and outlines some of its key findings and research programs. <\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p>Jonathan  Nitzan, York University (Toronto, Canada) <\/br><\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Shimshon Bichler,  (Israel)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">La philosophie de Marx <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#a40000; color:#fff\">Th\u00e9orie critique<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Ven 9:30 &#8211; PK-R220 &#8211; EN &#8211; Atelier avanc\u00e9<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc81\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Peter Braun, University of Manitoba (Winnipeg, Canada) <\/br>Gabrielle Magro, York University (Toronto, Canada)<\/br>Satoshi Matsui, Senshu University (Tokyo, Japon)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc81\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">La philosophie de Marx <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5>Insane forms&rsquo;: Essence, appearance, and the fetishes of interest-bearing capital<\/h5>\n<p>Peter Braun, University of Manitoba (Winnipeg, Canada) <\/br><\/p>\n<p>This presentation examines the connection between Marx\u2019s theory of fetishism and his theory of interest-bearing capital. Although fetishism occupies an important place in the history of marxist thought, it is only recently that commentators have begun to examine the role that this concept plays in the second and third volumes of Capital. This presentation builds on some of this more recent work. I argue that Marx\u2019s theory of fetishism is rooted in the distinction that he draws between essence and appearance, or the whole and its parts. In developing this argument, I appeal to an analogy that Marx deploys in \u2018Wage Labour and Capital\u2019: although it appears that the sun moves around the earth, it is of course the reverse that is true. Crucially, this inverted appearance is a product of our particular standpoint within the solar system. From our earthly perspective, there is no other way in which these planetary movements can appear. I argue that the same principle is at work in Marx\u2019s discussion of productive profit, commercial profit, interest and rent. Strange ideas about accumulation are promoted when that process is seen from the standpoint associated with these different fractions of capital. I develop this argument by examining the standpoint of interest-bearing capital. It is the standpoint that the lender occupies within the overall accumulation process, I argue, that encourages them to think of money as something that grows automatically and of its own accord. I conclude this presentation by examining the works of some mainstream economists and social theorists in the period leading up to the 2007-\u201908 financial crisis. I show that, like the \u2018vulgar political economists\u2019 that Marx critiqued in Capital, these authors are beholden to many of the same fetish ideas that are promoted from the standpoint of interest-bearing capital.  <\/p>\n<h5>Transcendental materialism: philosophical foundations for Capital<\/h5>\n<p>Gabrielle Magro, York University (Toronto, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Value, its detractors say, is not an empirical concept; it is, therefore, metaphysical. I concur that value is not an empirical concept, but I contend that it is not thereby metaphysical, for to say so much would presume an empiricist theory of knowledge, which Marx railed against at every turn. Marx held that capitalism has a structure, a logic\u2014the embryonic form of which is value. Value articulates the relation between theory and practice at the fundamental, i.e. epistemological, level. It is in terms of value that we must understand capitalism systemically, and how it is to be overcome (if, indeed, at all). Marx was not an empiricist, but neither was he a dogmatic rationalist. The subtitle of Capital is A Critique of Political Economy. It is, most fundamentally, a critique of the labor theory of value of the classical political economists (CPE). Marx\u2019s critique of the CPE, I contend, is akin to Kant\u2019s critique of the dogmatic rationalists in his Critique of Pure Reason. Kant identifies metaphysics at the level of form, not content, and the essence of his contention against the dogmatic metaphysicians is that they make illegitimate use of the categories. Like the rationalists, Kant himself holds the categories as constitutive of knowledge, but only when used legitimately. Kant is a critical (and not a dogmatic) rationalist. The categories are transcendental, and have rules for legitimate usage: this is, to me, the essence of Kant&rsquo;s transcendental philosophy. It is my conviction that Marx\u2019s category of value, which is the fundamental category of Marx\u2019s Capital, ought to be understood as a transcendental category in a very precise Kantian sense, and his fundamental critical claim against the CPE can productively be construed as an illegitimate use of this form. In this paper, I present the reading of Kant which furnishes the Kantian sense intended. The position tentatively outlined can be called transcendental materialism, which ought to be regarded as a radicalization of Kant, and it is my conviction that it is the necessary philosophical foundation of Capital. <\/p>\n<h5>Marx&rsquo;s Exploitation Theory and the Principle of Self-Ownership: A Critique of G. A. Cohen.<\/h5>\n<p>Satoshi Matsui, Senshu University (Tokyo, Japon)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>The exploitation theory occupies a central position in Marx\u2019s theoretical system. Gerald A. Cohen, however, found that a bourgeois principle of justice lurks in Marx\u2019s exploitation theory, and argued that Marxists should reject this principle. Why should Marxists accept the self-ownership principle in the exploitation theory, even though they deny it in the alienation theory? According to historical materialism, bourgeois consciousness and institutions correspond to the capitalist economy. Marxists who criticize capitalist society have bourgeois consciousness and act in this system. Thus, criticism and opposition to the exploitation must be based on the bourgeois principle of self-ownership. Cohen denies the self-ownership principle that exists in Marx\u2019s exploitation theory, because if this principle is approved, inequality must then arise due to differences in internal assets as talents. Cohen\u2019s greatest concern in the exploitation theory is radicalization of egalitarianism. He considers it impossible to overcome the circumstances of justice and seeks a society in which people\u2019s rights are equally respected. Although Marx uses an idea of equality in the exploitation theory, the communism he pursues is not a society where external assets are equally distributed, but the one where they are socialized. Cohen rejects only the self-ownership principle as bourgeois, trying to radicalize egalitarian justice. In the end, however, he complies with the bourgeois framework because he attempts to observe egalitarian justice. Marx\u2019s theory of exploitation presupposes both the self-ownership principle and egalitarian justice, but the communism that he envisions is a society that can overcome both of them. Marxist theory of exploitation should be bourgeois because it is based on historical materialism. This gradualist way of internally criticizing capitalism makes it possible to achieve the radical goal of overcoming the circumstances of justice.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Introduction au \u00ab\u00a0marxisme politique\u00a0\u00bb (ou marxisme centr\u00e9 sur le capital) <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#a40000; color:#fff\">Th\u00e9orie critique<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Ven 11:30 &#8211; PK-1350 &#8211; EN &#8211; Atelier introductif<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc6\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">This panel will offer an introductory overview of political Marxism or Capital-centric Marxism. It will present the emergence of political Marxism in relation to the original contribution of Brenner and Wood to the debate on the transition to capitalism. It will also underline the differences between this approach and other forms of Marxism and will discuss how Capital-centric Marxism has informed a renewed conception of historical materialism. Much of the panel will also be dedicated to explori&#8230;<\/p>\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Xavier Lafrance, Universit\u00e9 du Qu\u00e9bec \u00e0 Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada) <\/br>Charles Post, City University of New York (New York, USA)<\/br>Nicole Leach, York University (Toronto, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc6\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Introduction au \u00ab\u00a0marxisme politique\u00a0\u00bb (ou marxisme centr\u00e9 sur le capital) <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>This panel will offer an introductory overview of political Marxism or Capital-centric Marxism. It will present the emergence of political Marxism in relation to the original contribution of Brenner and Wood to the debate on the transition to capitalism. It will also underline the differences between this approach and other forms of Marxism and will discuss how Capital-centric Marxism has informed a renewed conception of historical materialism. Much of the panel will also be dedicated to exploring how, in spite of common assertions of the contrary, political Marxism can offer a promising framework to study the co-constitution of capitalist exploitation and of different forms of domination and oppression. We will discuss how this framework can help us to understand how the dynamics of capitalism produce and reproduce race as an ideological and social category. Finally, we will present how political Marxism can be critically used as a point of departure to analyse social reproduction and gender oppression under capitalism.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p>Xavier Lafrance, Universit\u00e9 du Qu\u00e9bec \u00e0 Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada) <\/br><\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Charles Post, City University of New York (New York, USA)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Nicole Leach, York University (Toronto, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Marx et l&rsquo;avenir de la th\u00e9orie de la valeur <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#a40000; color:#fff\">Th\u00e9orie critique<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Dim 9:30 &#8211; SH-3140 &#8211; EN\/FR &#8211; Atelier avanc\u00e9<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc98\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Peter Hudis, Oakton Community College (Des Plaines, IL, \u00c9tats-Unis) <\/br>Jason Schulman, Lehman College, City University of New York (New York, NY, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br>\u00c9ric N. Duhaime, Universit\u00e9 du Qu\u00e9bec \u00e0 Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al,  Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc98\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Marx et l&rsquo;avenir de la th\u00e9orie de la valeur <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5>Envisioning the Transcendence of Capitalist Value Production<\/h5>\n<p>Peter Hudis, Oakton Community College (Des Plaines, IL, \u00c9tats-Unis) <\/br><\/p>\n<p>One of the most critical, if under-theorized, dimensions of developing a viable concept of a post-capitalist society concerns the necessity of breaking from the capitalist law of value. The drive to augment value and surplus value as ends-in-themselves is clearly a defining feature of contemporary society, as can be seen from its dramatic impact on social relations, cultural formations, and our relationship with nature. What is far less clear, however, are the conditions for the possibility of transcending value production. This is due, at least in part, to the failure of twentieth century revolutions and social movements to effectively challenge and uproot value production. Although many studies have emerged in recent years that explore the contours of a possible post-capitalist society, the specific social relations and formations that are needed to overcome the subsumption of human relations by the drive to augment value is often unaddressed.  This presentation will seek to challenge such an approach by exploring how a re-examination of Marx\u2019s critique of political economy reveals both the conditions that make value production possible and the form of social relations that would represent its supersession. Taking off from my book Marx\u2019s Concept of the Alternative to Capitalism, I will show that Marx\u2019s critique of the logic of capital\u2014as well as his conception of its abolition in a socialist or communist society\u2014extends much further than simply specifying the abolition of private property and \u201canarchic\u201d exchange relations. Instead, Marx pinpoints a specific modality of time\u2014the dominance of abstract universal law time\u2014as central to the logic of capital, and its replacement by an alternative mode of time-determination as central to any effective exist from capitalism. By taking off from his insights on these issues in light of present-day realities, we can make needed progress, in developing a viable alternative to capitalism.<\/p>\n<h5>Conceptualizing the Future: Marx\u2019s Value Theory and the Debate on Markets and Planning <\/h5>\n<p>Jason Schulman, Lehman College, City University of New York (New York, NY, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Marx\u2019s writings, particularly \u201cCritique of the Gotha Program,\u201d posit a vision of socialist production and distribution in which abstract labor \u2013 the homogenization of labor-power \u2013 has been overcome, and (initially) mass-produced items are \u201cpriced\u201d via computation of the labor-time embodied in each product, with remuneration via labor-tokens such that one hour of actual labor is exchanged for items produced in the same amount of time. But to implement Marx\u2019s scheme today would incentivize increased individual labor time (problematic, given endemic unemployment, and antithetical to full human self-development) and because in this sense it mimics the capitalist work incentive it would drive a tendency to ecologically-harmful \u201cgrowth.\u201d Yet an alternative to capitalism remains necessary given the system\u2019s inevitable propensity towards crisis due to the tendency of the rate to fall as capital investment grows more quickly than the only source of value for the capitalist system as a whole \u2013 labor \u2013 as well as its role in creating an accelerating global warming crisis which will likely lead to the breakdown of the system itself and certain death for many the world\u2019s poorest and most vulnerable people. This presentation will discuss the visions of socialist production \u2013 of democratic planning \u2013 which have been put forth by various authors as alternatives to capitalism and so-called market socialism, which cannot work because it rests on the illusion that the functionality of market forces can be separated from their alienating and derationalizing qualities. It will then make an assessment of these suggestions for the future society. [3.2. Creative Utopias for the 21st Century]<\/p>\n<h5>La valeur chez Marx : entre substance et m\u00e9diation<\/h5>\n<p>\u00c9ric N. Duhaime, Universit\u00e9 du Qu\u00e9bec \u00e0 Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al,  Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Si la valeur constitue, aux yeux de Marx lui-m\u00eame, un des concepts les plus n\u00e9vralgiques du premier livre du Capital, la signification et le statut qui lui sont propres peuvent toutefois para\u00eetre ambigus. D\u00e9finie par Marx comme \u00ab temps de travail socialement n\u00e9cessaire \u00bb, plusieurs ont interpr\u00e9t\u00e9 la valeur comme \u00e9tant une \u00ab substance \u00bb, soit comme une pure d\u00e9pense d\u2019\u00e9nergie vitale, alors que d\u2019autres ont plut\u00f4t insist\u00e9 sur le r\u00f4le qu\u2019elle joue en tant que \u00ab m\u00e9diation \u00bb, soit comme cat\u00e9gorie effective qui encadre et r\u00e9gule les pratiques sociales. Prenant position pour la seconde interpr\u00e9tation, nous chercherons \u00e0 montrer que la valeur rel\u00e8ve pour Marx d\u2019un quadruple proc\u00e8s d\u2019abstraction. En ce sens, la valeur constitue une cat\u00e9gorie abstraite, laquelle renvoie pr\u00e9cis\u00e9ment \u00e0 cette id\u00e9e de \u00ab d\u00e9pense \u00bb d\u2019\u00e9nergie comme travail indiff\u00e9renci\u00e9, \u00e9pur\u00e9 de tout contenu et de toute dimension qualitative, et donc r\u00e9duit \u00e0 sa plus simple expression. Cela dit, la valeur n\u2019en demeure pas moins une cat\u00e9gorie qui comporte pour Marx une \u00ab validit\u00e9 sociale \u00bb et qui, \u00e0 ce titre, encadre et r\u00e9gule les pratiques sociales d\u2019\u00e9change et de production, agissant ainsi comme une m\u00e9diation sociale. C\u2019est donc \u00e0 l\u2019\u00e9claircissement du statut ambigu du concept de valeur chez Marx que sera consacr\u00e9e notre communication.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"row themeprogback\" style=\"background-image: url(https:\/\/thegreattransition.net\/wp-content\/uploads\/2018\/02\/conjoncture.jpg)\" id=\"15\">\n<div class=\"themetitle\" style=\"background-color: #c6c6c6;\">\n<h4 class=\"themefont\" style=\"color: #000;\">Conjoncture<\/h4>\n<\/p><\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"row horaireback\">\n<div class=\"col-sm-2 col-xs-5\">                            <\/div>\n<div class=\"col-sm-10 col-xs-12\">\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Le moment Trump : Perspectives pour la gauche radicale <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#c6c6c6; color:#000\">Conjoncture<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Ven 9:30 &#8211; SH-3420 &#8211; EN\/FR(Traduction disponible) &#8211; Atelier introductif<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc12\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">The current conjuncture offers the radical left new opportunities but also poses serious challenges. We face, on the one hand, the ongoing global crisis of capitalism, low-levels of working-class self-organization, and the electoral successes of right-wing populism and the growth of fascism. On the other hand, we have also witnessed the popularity of the likes of Corbyn, Sanders and M\u00e9lenchon in the electoral realm, an openness to socialism amongst new generations of activists, and the growth or&#8230;<\/p>\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Safa Chebbi, Alternatives (Montr\u00e9al, Canada) <\/br>David McNally, York University, Toronto New Socialists  (Toronto, Canada)<\/br>Ella Mahony, Democratic Socialists of America (New York, USA)<\/br>Ashley Smith, International Socialist Organization (Burlington, USA)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Animation: Todd Gordon<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc12\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Le moment Trump : Perspectives pour la gauche radicale <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>The current conjuncture offers the radical left new opportunities but also poses serious challenges. We face, on the one hand, the ongoing global crisis of capitalism, low-levels of working-class self-organization, and the electoral successes of right-wing populism and the growth of fascism. On the other hand, we have also witnessed the popularity of the likes of Corbyn, Sanders and M\u00e9lenchon in the electoral realm, an openness to socialism amongst new generations of activists, and the growth organizations of the socialist left. This session will address the state of global capitalism a decade removed from the financial crash, the nature and character of the right\u2019s response to the crisis, and key tasks for organized socialists as we seek to rebuild our forces and offer a liberatory vision for the planet\u2019s future.  <\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p>Safa Chebbi, Alternatives (Montr\u00e9al, Canada) <\/br><\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>David McNally, York University, Toronto New Socialists  (Toronto, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Ella Mahony, Democratic Socialists of America (New York, USA)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Ashley Smith, International Socialist Organization (Burlington, USA)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<p>Animation: Todd Gordon<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Ind\u00e9pendance et socialisme au Qu\u00e9bec et en Catalogne <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#c6c6c6; color:#000\">Conjoncture<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Ven 11:30 &#8211; PK-R650 &#8211; FR &#8211; Atelier introductif<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc150\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Richard Fidler, CAP &#8211; Nouveaux Cahiers du Socialisme (Ottawa, Canada) <\/br>Eric Martin, C\u00e9gep \u00c9douard-Montpetit (Longueuil, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc150\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Ind\u00e9pendance et socialisme au Qu\u00e9bec et en Catalogne <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5>Catalonia vs. the Spanish State: What lessons for socialists in Quebec and Canada?<\/h5>\n<p>Richard Fidler, CAP &#8211; Nouveaux Cahiers du Socialisme (Ottawa, Canada) <\/br><\/p>\n<p>All social revolutions in the 20th century were national in form; the successful ones \u2014 Russia (1917), China (1940), Vietnam and Yugoslavia (1945), and Cuba (1959) \u2014 managed to unite the majority of the politically active population around a strategy for national emancipation that combined the struggle against national and colonial oppression with a program aimed at ending capitalist exploitation. Today the territorial integrity and internal stability of some major imperialist powers are being challenged by national and indigenous minorities within the state mobilizing in opposition to central state structures and policies that deny them recognition as nations and limit their right to self-determination. However, these struggles are not, in most cases, led by parties with an anticapitalist  program and strategy.The Catalan people\u2019s staunch resistance to the Spanish state\u2019s current attempt to suppress their long-standing movement for national autonomy or independence is being watched closely by Qu\u00e9b\u00e9cois seeking similar objectives in opposition to the undemocratic structure and institutions of the Canadian state.What lessons can socialists in Quebec \u2014 and Canada \u2014 learn from the epic confrontation in Catalonia and the Spanish state, where a relatively strong socialist historical legacy informs the thinking of some of the foremost activists in the Catalan national movement? <\/p>\n<h5>Penser un ind\u00e9pendantisme \u00e9mancipateur<\/h5>\n<p>Eric Martin, C\u00e9gep \u00c9douard-Montpetit (Longueuil, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Loin d\u2019\u00eatre d\u00e9pass\u00e9e, l\u2019id\u00e9e de souverainet\u00e9 est de retour \u00e0 l\u2019avant-sc\u00e8ne. Mais plut\u00f4t que d\u2019abandonner ce \u00ab retour \u00bb de la nation aux mains des populismes de droite, il est grand temps de r\u00e9articuler question sociale et question nationale dans une perspective \u00e9mancipatrice. En revisitant les \u00e9crits des Aquin, Vadeboncoeur, Dumont, Rioux, du Front de lib\u00e9ration des femmes et de Parti pris, r\u00e9actualiser le slogan des ann\u00e9es 1960-1970 \u00abSocialisme et ind\u00e9pendance\u00bb. Socialisme au sens de d\u00e9mocratisation de l\u2019\u00e9conomie, mais aussi d\u2019une soci\u00e9t\u00e9 orient\u00e9e vers la justice et le bien commun. Ind\u00e9pendance parce qu\u2019aucun projet \u00e0 vis\u00e9e \u00e9mancipatrice ne peut \u00eatre mis en place tant que subsiste le carcan colonial et imp\u00e9rial du f\u00e9d\u00e9ralisme canadien sur les Qu\u00e9b\u00e9cois.es et les Autochtones. Un pays en commun propose de renouer avec un \u00absocialisme d\u2019ici\u00bb, pour sortir du dialogue de sourds entre inclusifs et nationalistes conservateurs et enraciner au Qu\u00e9bec un v\u00e9ritable projet de souverainet\u00e9 r\u00e9publicain et \u00e9cosocialiste.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Comprendre et faire face \u00e0 la droite populiste au Qu\u00e9bec et au Canada <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#c6c6c6; color:#000\">Conjoncture<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Sam 9:30 &#8211; SH-3620 &#8211; EN\/FR(Traduction disponible) &#8211; Atelier introductif<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc93\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">S\u00e9bastien Bouchard, Qu\u00e9bec solidaire (Qu\u00e9bec, Canada) <\/br>Murray  Cooke, York University (Toronto, Montr\u00e9al)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc93\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Comprendre et faire face \u00e0 la droite populiste au Qu\u00e9bec et au Canada <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5>Combattre le populisme de droite : l&rsquo;exemple de la radio-poubelle de Qu\u00e9bec<\/h5>\n<p>S\u00e9bastien Bouchard, Qu\u00e9bec solidaire (Qu\u00e9bec, Canada) <\/br><\/p>\n<p>Le populisme de droite est en croissance au Qu\u00e9bec et en Occident. La construction de la gauche implique de cerner la sp\u00e9cificit\u00e9 du populisme de droite et les strat\u00e9gies \u00e0 mettre en place pour le combattre. Pour ce faire, cette conf\u00e9rence propose une analyse marxiste du ph\u00e9nom\u00e8ne de la radio poubelle de Qu\u00e9bec. Les questions des classes sociales, du f\u00e9minisme, de l\u2019\u00e9cologie, du racisme ainsi que les enjeux urbains et g\u00e9n\u00e9rationnels sont abord\u00e9s. On y fait aussi les distinctions n\u00e9cessaires entre le populisme de droite et l\u2019extr\u00eame-droite.<\/p>\n<h5>Right-Wing Populism and the Impasse of Left Politics in Canada<\/h5>\n<p>Murray  Cooke, York University (Toronto, Montr\u00e9al)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>We\u2019re living in a populist moment. The American presidential election cycle of 2016 witnessed the rise of Left-wing populism in the form of the Bernie Sanders campaign, but culminated in the shocking victory of the Right-wing populist Donald Trump over the establishment Democrat, Hilary Clinton. In Europe, Left-wing populists such as Syriza and Podemos have raised (and dashed) hopes, while Right-wing populism seems a threat in country after country. The UK has experienced both the Brexit vote and the rise of Jeremy Corbyn.In Canada, populism arguably doesn\u2019t have the same contemporary prominence on either the Left or the Right. Yet, since the rise of the Preston Manning and the Reform Party in the early 1990s, the Left in Canada has been confronted by the recurring challenge of right-wing populism. From Ralph Klein and Mike Harris through Mario Dumont and Rob Ford, right-wing populists have gained public prominence, shaped the political agenda and undermined the base of Left-wing politics in Canada. For the most part, particularly in the electoral realm, the Left in Canada has responded by adapting to the shift to the Right, rather than challenging it. Left-wing populism has been largely absent. In this context, even more radical and extreme Right-wing populism appears to be growing. All of this leads to important questions. How should we define and understand \u201cpopulism\u201d? What is the relationship between Right-wing populism and impasse of Left-wing politics in Canada? Is there potential for a renewed Left-wing populism in Canada and is that the best way to confront and defeat Right-wing populism?<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Conjoncture et strat\u00e9gie socialiste en Am\u00e9rique Latine contemporaine <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#c6c6c6; color:#000\">Conjoncture<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Sam 16:00 &#8211; SH-2560 &#8211; EN &#8211; Atelier avanc\u00e9<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc37\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Jeffery R Webber, Queen Mary University of London (London, UK) <\/br>Colin Mooers, Ryerson University (Toronto, Canada)<\/br>Thomas Chiasson-LeBel, University de la Californie \u00e0 Santa Cruz ()<\/br>Jorge Vasquez, University of Massachusetts-Amherst (Amherst, USA)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc37\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Conjoncture et strat\u00e9gie socialiste en Am\u00e9rique Latine contemporaine <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5>World Market, Patterns of Accumulation, and State Forms: The Political Economy of the Latin American Left<\/h5>\n<p>Jeffery R Webber, Queen Mary University of London (London, UK) <\/br><\/p>\n<p>This paper provides a synoptic assessment of the political economy of the Left turn in Latin America in the twenty-first century. First, it charts the broad trajectory of Latin America\u2019s political economy in relation to trends in the world market and the international division of labour between 1980 and 2017. Second, it shifts scales of analysis to characterize and periodize the specific patterns of accumulation in three countries of special importance within the wider Left turn: Brazil (2002-2017); (b) Argentina (2003-2017); and Venezuela (1999-2017). Third, it characterizes the particular changes in state form that accompanied the Left turn (and its present crisis) in each of these three cases, pointing to the structural limits of these experiments and the contradictions which are therefore coming to the fore as the great recession of 2008 makes its delayed landing on the shores of Latin America and the Right regains lost ground.<\/p>\n<h5>The Mexican Labyrinth: Class, Indigenous Struggles and the Popular<\/h5>\n<p>Colin Mooers, Ryerson University (Toronto, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>This paper discusses the complex dynamics of popular and indigenous struggles in the context of the Mexican presidential elections set to take place in June, 2018. While there has been a resurgence of left populism in the person of Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador (AMLO) and his party, Movimiento Regeneracion National (Morena), currently leading in national opinion polls, the Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN) in conjunction with the National Indigenous Congress are running their own indigenous candidate, Maria de Jesus Patricio Martinez. While divisions between the indigenous and the non-indigenous Left in Mexico are nothing new, these fractures point to a deeper political and theoretical problem having to do with how class, nation and \u2018the popular\u2019 are framed in relation to indigenous struggles. This paper will interrogate the concept of \u2018the popular\u2019 from two angles: first, in relation to changes in class composition caused by neoliberalism and secondly through an assessment of recent attempts to \u2018decolonize\u2019 the category of \u2018the people\u2019 (Ciccariello-Maher 2017) as part of a larger Latin American revolutionary project.<\/p>\n<h5>Le capital contre la r\u00e9volution citoyenne : Strat\u00e9gies des conglom\u00e9rats nationaux pour faire face au gouvernement de gauche en \u00c9quateur<\/h5>\n<p>Thomas Chiasson-LeBel, University de la Californie \u00e0 Santa Cruz ()<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Le gouvernement de gauche dirig\u00e9 par le parti Alianza Pa\u00eds en \u00c9quateur (2007 \u2014 ) s\u2019est montr\u00e9 tr\u00e8s critique envers le pouvoir \u00e9conomique et politique des conglom\u00e9rats nationaux. Certains de ses documents officiels parlent m\u00eame de socialisme comme horizon politique pour le pays. N\u00e9anmoins, sous la gouverne de ce parti, plusieurs conglom\u00e9rats nationaux ont renforc\u00e9 leur position en augmentant la part de la production qu\u2019ils contr\u00f4lent, leurs profits, et plus r\u00e9cemment, leur influence politique. Comment expliquer que des groupes \u00e9conomiques am\u00e9liorent leur situation malgr\u00e9 un gouvernement qui les vilipende\u2009?Les conglom\u00e9rats (grupos econ\u00f3micos) sont des groupes d\u2019entreprises distinctes soumises au contr\u00f4le centralis\u00e9 d\u2019acteurs nationaux souvent unis par des liens familiaux. En \u00c9quateur, la somme des revenus des 215 groupes \u00e9conomiques correspondait \u00e0 pr\u00e8s de 60 % du PIB en 2016. Alors que certains conglom\u00e9rats adoptaient des strat\u00e9gies ostentatoires visant \u00e0 remplacer le gouvernement de gauche, d\u2019autres cherchaient plut\u00f4t \u00e0 exercer une influence id\u00e9ologique et sociale plus subtile afin de construire un environnement favorable \u00e0 leur strat\u00e9gie d\u2019accumulation. L\u2019\u00e9conomie politique culturelle critique (EPCC) offre des outils int\u00e9ressants pour int\u00e9grer les facteurs non \u00e9conomiques dans l\u2019analyse du capitalisme et des strat\u00e9gies des \u00e9lites \u00e9conomiques pour influencer le pouvoir politique. S\u2019inspirant de cette approche, cet article compare diff\u00e9rentes strat\u00e9gies de groupes \u00e9conomiques pour mieux identifier celles qui parviennent \u00e0 influencer la soci\u00e9t\u00e9 et le gouvernement qui s\u2019affichait pourtant m\u00e9fiants \u00e0 leur \u00e9gard.<\/p>\n<h5>Return of the State in Ecuador: Confrontations within the political analysis of a decade (2006-2016)<\/h5>\n<p>Jorge Vasquez, University of Massachusetts-Amherst (Amherst, USA)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>This paper will discuss three different tendencies that the &lsquo;Return of the State&rsquo; receives in recent Latin American political sociology, focusing in the case of Ecuador. First, we will point how \u00ab\u00a0The Return of the State\u00a0\u00bb gained relevance as an object of study due to the changes implemented by several governments in the region since 2002. Then, we will point how in the analysis that has been carried out in the political sociology of Ecuador, such &lsquo;Return of the State&rsquo; receives three tendencies of explanation: the post-neoliberal (hegemony building, universalization, popular support), The Cesarist (restructuring of economic elites, criminalization of protest, deactivation of social movements), The Populist (presidentialism, manipulation of civil society). Finally, the paper will discuss the limitations of such explanatory tendencies, purposing a different approach regarding to the historical meaning of populism and a way to understand the analysis of the tension between State and social movements within one of the countries that makes part of the \u201cpink tide\u201d.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Penser la situation am\u00e9ricaine aujourd&rsquo;hui <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#c6c6c6; color:#000\">Conjoncture<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Sam 14:00 &#8211; SH-3420 &#8211; EN\/FR(Traduction disponible) &#8211; Atelier introductif<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc86\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Serge Halimi, Le Monde Diplomatique (Paris, France) <\/br>Bhaskar Sunkara, Jacobin Magazine (New York, NY, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc86\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Penser la situation am\u00e9ricaine aujourd&rsquo;hui <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<p>Serge Halimi, Le Monde Diplomatique (Paris, France) <\/br><\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Bhaskar Sunkara, Jacobin Magazine (New York, NY, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Revenu universel : pi\u00e8ge ou moyen de lib\u00e9ration ? <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#c6c6c6; color:#000\">Conjoncture<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Dim 9:30 &#8211; SH-3620 &#8211; EN\/FR(Traduction disponible) &#8211; Atelier introductif<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc75\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Samuel Bagg, McGill University &#8211; Research Group on Constitutional Studies (Montr\u00e9al, Canada) <\/br>Sarah Small, Colorado State University (Fort Collins, CO, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br>Edward Teather-Posadas, Colorado State University (Fort Collins, CO, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br>Ambre Fourrier, HEC Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Quentin Guatieri, Universit\u00e9 de Montr\u00e9al et Universit\u00e9 Paris VIII (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc75\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Revenu universel : pi\u00e8ge ou moyen de lib\u00e9ration ? <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5>Basic income: a neoliberal road to socialism<\/h5>\n<p>Samuel Bagg, McGill University &#8211; Research Group on Constitutional Studies (Montr\u00e9al, Canada) <\/br><\/p>\n<p>As the idea of an unconditional basic income has grown in popularity among bastions of the neoliberal establishment such as libertarian economists and technology CEOs, many on the left who were initially been attracted to the idea have begun to doubt their support. As a result, just as mainstream outlets begin to take the idea seriously, left publications such as Boston Review, Dissent, and Jacobin have responded by questioning its radical bona fides, worrying that it will stall or unravel other left initiatives. This is understandable, I argue in this presentation, but it is also a mistake. Surely some of its new supporters hope that an unconditional basic income will prevent a more serious reckoning with the social upheaval caused by capitalist development, but socialists have good reason to believe that, in the long run, at least, they are wrong. And thus, we have good reason to support a UBI\u2014even, contrary to a common intuition on the left, if it is at first quite modest. After all, the genius of a UBI, in the minds of its early left supporters, was precisely that it represented a \u201ccapitalist road to communism\u201d; or, to update Van Parijs and Van der Veen\u2019s 1986 manifesto for the world of today, a neoliberal road to socialism. In this presentation, I will argue that socialists should embrace the UBI\u2019s appeal to a broad range of economic and political actors, rather than turning up their noses. Even a modest UBI such as that favored by, say, Elon Musk, would, I argue, become a trojan horse for socialism, providing radicals with both the conceptual and the institutional framework they need to achieve much more radical redistribution and restructuring of political economy.<\/p>\n<h5>Basic Income Guarantees and Feminist Support from the Perspective of John Stuart Mill<\/h5>\n<p>Sarah Small, Colorado State University (Fort Collins, CO, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Prominent nineteenth century economist and women\u2019s rights activist John Stuart Mill was among the first economists to support basic income guarantees.  Though he did not use the term \u2018basic income guarantee\u2019, Mill proposed that a portion of the economic gains from a community ought to be distributed equally to every member of the society for their subsistence, regardless of their ability to work. The remaining gains, he proposed, should be distributed in a free market system to \u201clabour, capital, and talent.\u201d This paper unpacks Mill\u2019s arguments for basic income guarantees, and uses points from Mill\u2019s feminist works to further support the implementation of basic income guarantees. These feminist arguments are then examined using more recent, empirical evidence. Ultimately, this paper shows that Millian feminist arguments for basic income guarantees hold up under empirical scrutiny, are applicable to the modern world, and could be used in future works to support the implementation of basic income guarantees. <\/p>\n<h5>Universally Basic: An Ethical Case for Universal Basic Income<\/h5>\n<p>Edward Teather-Posadas, Colorado State University (Fort Collins, CO, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Radical issues require a radical solution. If we are to combat the widening inequalities in our current economic paradigm, revolutionary thought is needed. We can find one such source of revolutionary change within the call for a universal basic income (UBI). While often deemed a utopian fantasy, a UBI now lies within our grasp. We need only to make the moral and ethical choice to embrace it. Defenses of a UBI have come from every political quarter, from the staunchest libertarians to the most egalitarian liberals. Here is presented an argument for UBI based upon a recognition of the dignity of the human condition. Drawing upon the work of a diverse cast of thinkers from Adam Smith and Martha Nussbaum to Paul Goodman and John Kenneth Galbraith, amongst others, UBI can be shown to support a level of universal basic human dignity that allows for an agency and a capacity for a wide-range of capabilities, otherwise stifled in our current socio-economic regime.<\/p>\n<h5>Que penser du revenu de base ?<\/h5>\n<p>Ambre Fourrier, HEC Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>La vieille id\u00e9e d\u2019un revenu inconditionnel d\u2019existence fait un retour en force et semble s\u00e9duire \u00e0 droite comme \u00e0 gauche. Souvent pr\u00e9sent\u00e9e comme un moyen de r\u00e9soudre entre autres les probl\u00e8mes de pr\u00e9carit\u00e9 et de ch\u00f4mage, elle est aussi mise de l\u2019avant par certains comme voie de sortie du capitalisme. Mais qu\u2019en est-il vraiment ? Qu\u2019avons-nous \u00e0 gagner ou \u00e0 perdre collectivement dans la mise en place du revenu de base ?Plus que jamais ici, \u00ab le diable est dans les d\u00e9tails! \u00bb, comme disait Nietzsche. Lorsque l\u2019on commence \u00e0 regarder de pr\u00e8s cette id\u00e9e simple, on d\u00e9couvre en fait une infinit\u00e9 de formules possibles. Il y a en effet de multiples mani\u00e8res d\u2019appr\u00e9hender des dimensions telles que l\u2019inconditionnalit\u00e9, l\u2019universalit\u00e9 ou un montant \u00ab suffisant \u00bb.  Comment alors se rep\u00e9rer dans ce foisonnement de propositions ? A partir de deux dimensions que sont l\u2019inconditionnalit\u00e9 et le montant propos\u00e9, nous avons identifi\u00e9 quatre grandes approches du \u00ab revenu de base \u00bb, caract\u00e9ris\u00e9es par des modes de fonctionnement et des justifications id\u00e9ologiques bien distinctes.En prenant appui sur certaines exp\u00e9rimentations concr\u00e8tes et sur notre typologie, nous discuterons des enjeux du revenu de base en termes de libert\u00e9, d\u2019\u00e9galit\u00e9 et de soutenabilit\u00e9. Nous verrons que cette politique publique peut \u00eatre aussi bien un pi\u00e8ge n\u00e9olib\u00e9ral qu\u2019un possible moyen d\u2019\u00e9mancipation collectif.<\/p>\n<h5>L\u2019allocation universelle comme outil d\u2019\u00e9mancipation sociale ?<\/h5>\n<p>Quentin Guatieri, Universit\u00e9 de Montr\u00e9al et Universit\u00e9 Paris VIII (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Longtemps limit\u00e9e au d\u00e9bat intellectuel et qualifi\u00e9e d\u2019utopie, l\u2019id\u00e9e d\u2019une allocation universelle (aussi nomm\u00e9e revenu de base, revenu universel ou encore revenu minimum garanti) a b\u00e9n\u00e9fici\u00e9 depuis la crise \u00e9conomique et financi\u00e8re de 2008 d\u2019un d\u00e9bat d\u2019id\u00e9es in\u00e9dit dans l\u2019espace public et la sph\u00e8re politique. Des exp\u00e9rimentations sont ainsi en cours ou pr\u00e9vues en Finlande, au Canada ou encore aux Pays-Bas.Outil d\u2019\u00e9mancipation et de justice social pour les uns, cheval de Troie du lib\u00e9ralisme pour d\u2019autres, le concept de l\u2019allocation universelle s\u2019inscrit dans un contexte de hausse des in\u00e9galit\u00e9s, d\u2019un taux de ch\u00f4mage rarement \u00e0 la baisse et de nouvelles formes de pr\u00e9carit\u00e9. L\u2019id\u00e9e peu \u00e0 peu sorti du d\u00e9bat th\u00e9orie et acad\u00e9mique dans le d\u00e9bat pour s\u2019installer dans le d\u00e9bat politique, port\u00e9 par des acteurs divers et d\u2019id\u00e9ologies vari\u00e9es.Il est propos\u00e9 ici de s\u2019interroger sur la fa\u00e7on dont l\u2019allocation universelle (sous la forme d\u2019un revenu vers\u00e9 \u00e0 tous les citoyens et sans contrepartie) se pr\u00e9sente comme un projet de soci\u00e9t\u00e9 alternatif. Lutte contre la pauvret\u00e9, red\u00e9finition de la place du travail dans la vie de chacun, outil d\u2019adaptation \u00e0 l\u2019automatisation, lutte contre l\u2019ali\u00e9nation\u2026 Les enjeux sont multiples.L\u2019objectif est ainsi plus de discuter de l\u2019allocation universelle en tant que forme d\u2019alternative possible au capitalisme, souvent qualifi\u00e9e d\u2019utopie, plut\u00f4t que de convaincre \u00e0 tout prix du bien-fond\u00e9 du concept.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">R\u00e9sistance, strat\u00e9gie et autonomie au Br\u00e9sil, en Argentine et au Chili <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#c6c6c6; color:#000\">Conjoncture<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Dim 11:30 &#8211; SH-3620 &#8211; EN\/FR(Traduction disponible) &#8211; Atelier introductif<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc97\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Carole Yerochewski, GIREPS \/ Universit\u00e9 de Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada) <\/br>Marcelo Vieta, Ontario Institute for Studies in Education of the University of Toronto (Toronto, Canada)<\/br>Dan Furukawa Marques, CEMS &#8211; EHESS (Paris, France)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc97\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">R\u00e9sistance, strat\u00e9gie et autonomie au Br\u00e9sil, en Argentine et au Chili <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5>La mobilisation des travailleurs dans l&rsquo;\u00e9conomie solidaire au Br\u00e9sil<\/h5>\n<p>Carole Yerochewski, GIREPS \/ Universit\u00e9 de Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada) <\/br><\/p>\n<p>Cette communication vise \u00e0 instaurer un d\u00e9bat sur ce qu&rsquo;on appelle des alternatives \u00e9conomiques, \u00e0 partir d&rsquo;une r\u00e9flexion th\u00e9orique qui int\u00e8gre la question des rapports sociaux de classe, de sexe et de race, et \u00e0 partir d&rsquo;une \u00e9tude de cas men\u00e9e sur la mobilisation des travailleurs dans l&rsquo;\u00e9conomie solidaire br\u00e9silienne. Ces travailleurs sont notamment les travailleurs informels, qui  ont \u00e9t\u00e9 longtemps rendu invisibles, car non consid\u00e9r\u00e9s comme faisant partie du \u00ab\u00a0prol\u00e9tariat\u00a0\u00bb. Ces travailleurs et surtout travailleuses sont cependant au coeur des rapports sociaux d&rsquo;exploitation, de domination et d&rsquo;oppression, et leurs pratiques collectives s&rsquo;av\u00e8rent porteuses d&rsquo;une radicale remise en cause de la marchandisation capitaliste, pour autant qu&rsquo;ils puissent exprimer leurs besoins et aspirations dans le cadre d&rsquo;interactions \u00e0 diff\u00e9rentes \u00e9chelles et lieux d&rsquo;action collective. C&rsquo;est du moins ce que montre cette \u00e9tude de cas effectu\u00e9e au cours d&rsquo;un s\u00e9jour au Br\u00e9sil et s&rsquo;appuyant sur une cinquantaine d&rsquo;entretiens, divers documents et certaines observations directes.<\/p>\n<h5>Makers of Their Own History: Argentina\u2019s Worker-Recuperated Enterprises and the Political Economy of the Working Class<\/h5>\n<p>Marcelo Vieta, Ontario Institute for Studies in Education of the University of Toronto (Toronto, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>This presentation highlights my ethnographic and political economic work with Argentina\u2019s empresas recuperadas por sus trabajadores (worker-recuperated enterprises, or ERTs), soon to be published as a book in Brill\u2019s Historical Materialism series. It explores ERT workers\u2019 self-directed actions from a \u201cpolitical economy of the working class\u201d approach (Marx, 1978). Within a conjuncture of neoliberal crisis at the turn of the millennium when traditional union tactics proved toothless, and drawing on a long-tradition of working-class self activity in Argentina, some workers took matters into their own hands by occupying and self-managing capitalist workplaces as worker cooperatives. Today, more almost 400 ERTs exist in Argentina involving around 16,000 workers. ERTs, I argue, are one more historical manifestation of how \u201cclass happens\u201d in \u201chuman relationships\u2026as a result of common experiences\u201d against and beyond capital (Thompson, 2001, p. 3). They are a part of an oft forgotten vein of bottom-up working-class self-activity coursing through the history of the capitalist era. In the process of remaking their working lives in response to neoliberal crisis resonating on shop floors, ERT workers live out their \u201cown history\u201d (p. 5), recuperating their workplaces and their class consciousness immanently within struggle. They remind us how, from the standpoint of labour, resistance and alternatives to capital can and often do emerge from within exploitative labour processes (Vieta, 2012). ERT protagonists recuperate forms of associated labour and social production grounded in cooperation (rather than competition) and the production of social (rather than private) wealth. They redesign their labour processes along directly democratic lines. They engage in community-led revitalization that sees them open their shops to community cultural centres, free health clinics, and popular education schools. In short, ERT protagonists recuperate working class self-activity by prefiguratively re-embedding the economic spheres of life back into the social needs of human beings and communities. Subtheme: Profoundly democratic businesses and organizations.<\/p>\n<h5>The political formation of a community and its subjects: ethnography of a cooperative of the Landless Workers Movement (MST) in Brazil<\/h5>\n<p>Dan Furukawa Marques, CEMS &#8211; EHESS (Paris, France)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>In Brazil the Cooperatives of Agricultural Production (CPA) of the Landless Rural Workers Movement (MST) symbolize a \u201csuperior form of cooperation\u201d. For the MST, the Agricultural Cooperative Nova Santa Rita (COOPAN) represents a successful cooperative model whereby \u201ccollective work\u201d is rooted in a stable community, marked by a respect for environmental principles of agroecology and sustainable enterprise, and where work and everyday life are enshrined in participatory democracy. Close fieldwork examination, however, reveals the conflictual underpinnings of democratic community building. In what we call a \u201cdialectic of conflict,\u201d social actors in the MST must constantly balance the fragile and shifting line between the individual and the collective, horizontality and verticality, politics and economics. Grounded in a three-year ethnographic study and theoretically inspired by the political works of Maurice Merleau-Ponty, Claude Lefort, Hannah Arendt, and Karl Marx our study investigates the construction of this community by theorizing some of the important linkages between the political institutions of MST cooperatives and the formation of its subjects. In doing so, we try to seize the different forms and transformation of the political. Put another way, we explore how social links, feelings of belonging, practices and norms are built in order to understand how political experiences of subjects participate in instituting a social order around a common political project, in permanent construction.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Avant le post-capitalisme : mener la lutte d\u00e9fensive avec un Front Uni <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#c6c6c6; color:#000\">Conjoncture<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Dim 11:30 &#8211; SH-2800 &#8211; EN(Traduction disponible) &#8211; Atelier introductif<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc155\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">This panel discusses how we can connect the left vision of a post-capitalist society to the reality we find ourselves in. Confronted with the curtailment of democratic freedoms\u2014through the emergence of \u201cilliberal democracies\u201d and the upsurge of the far right\u2014we argue for the need to expand political and social rights. What are concrete strategies of participatory movements that allow people to shape the contours of their society, and what are the obstacles? If the pragmatism of a united front ap&#8230;<\/p>\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Michael Brie, Fondation Rosa Luxembourg (Berlin, Allemagne) <\/br>Ethan Young, Left Labor Project (New-York, USA)<\/br>Harmony Goldberg, Grassroots Policy Project ()<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Animation: Maria Starzmann<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc155\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Avant le post-capitalisme : mener la lutte d\u00e9fensive avec un Front Uni <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>This panel discusses how we can connect the left vision of a post-capitalist society to the reality we find ourselves in. Confronted with the curtailment of democratic freedoms\u2014through the emergence of \u201cilliberal democracies\u201d and the upsurge of the far right\u2014we argue for the need to expand political and social rights. What are concrete strategies of participatory movements that allow people to shape the contours of their society, and what are the obstacles? If the pragmatism of a united front approach allows us to reverse fragmentation and push short-term winnable demands, where can this take us in terms of radical change?This panel will have both theory- and practice-focused inputs. Starting with a presentation revolving around the notion of \u201cnon-reformist reforms,\u201d we will discuss the need for a united front and for waging a defensive fight and the challenges it can pose to capitalism.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p>Michael Brie, Fondation Rosa Luxembourg (Berlin, Allemagne) <\/br><\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Ethan Young, Left Labor Project (New-York, USA)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Harmony Goldberg, Grassroots Policy Project ()<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<p>Animation: Maria Starzmann<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"row themeprogback\" style=\"background-image: url()\" id=\"16\">\n<div class=\"themetitle\" style=\"background-color: #ffffff;\">\n<h4 class=\"themefont\" style=\"color: #000;\">Utopie<\/h4>\n<\/p><\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"row horaireback\">\n<div class=\"col-sm-2 col-xs-5\">                            <\/div>\n<div class=\"col-sm-10 col-xs-12\">\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">D\u00e9bat : Un gouvernement socialiste ou la politique des communs ? <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#ffffff; color:#000\">Utopie<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Dim 9:30 &#8211; SH-2140 &#8211; FR &#8211; Atelier introductif<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc33\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Franck Fischback, Universit\u00e9 de Strasbourg (Strasbourg, France)<\/br>Pierre Dardot, Universit\u00e9 Paris-Nanterre (Paris, France)<\/br>Christian Laval, Universit\u00e9 Paris-Nanterre (Paris, France)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Animation: Eric Pineault<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc33\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">D\u00e9bat : Un gouvernement socialiste ou la politique des communs ? <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5>Socialiser le commun<\/h5>\n<p>Franck Fischback, Universit\u00e9 de Strasbourg (Strasbourg, France)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>En r\u00e9ponse \u00e0 une r\u00e9alit\u00e9 sociale marqu\u00e9e par l\u2019atomisation et la mise en concurrence des individus, par la privatisation des ressources communes et par l\u2019accaparement des produits du travail social, le commun est pens\u00e9 comme une alternative consistant essentiellement \u00e0 (re)communaliser le social : cela peut par exemple consister \u00e0 faire du commun le cadre \u00e0 l\u2019int\u00e9rieur duquel seraient pos\u00e9es et instruites \u00e0 nouveaux frais les questions du travail, des \u00e9changes marchands, de la r\u00e9partition des richesses \u2013 ce qui revient \u00e0 r\u00e9inscrire le social \u00e0 l\u2019int\u00e9rieur du commun, \u00e0 la mani\u00e8re dont, chez Hegel, la soci\u00e9t\u00e9 civile \u00e9tait ins\u00e9r\u00e9e au sein de l\u2019Etat. Nous poserons la question de savoir si on ne risque pas d\u2019aboutir par l\u00e0 \u00e0 une nouvelle forme d\u2019hypostase et d\u2019abstraction de la politique et s\u2019il ne vaudrait pas mieux, \u00e0 l\u2019inverse, tenter de socialiser le commun en se fondant sur l\u2019id\u00e9e, marxienne, d\u2019une r\u00e9appropriation de la dimension du commun par les acteurs sociaux au sein m\u00eame de leurs rapports du m\u00eame nom, c\u2019est-\u00e0-dire de leurs rapports de travail, de production et d\u2019\u00e9changes.<\/p>\n<h5>Le gouvernement des communs contre la souverainet\u00e9 de l\u2019Etat<\/h5>\n<p>Pierre Dardot, Universit\u00e9 Paris-Nanterre (Paris, France)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Les communs sont avant tout des institutions proc\u00e9dant de pratiques d\u2019autogouvernement. A l\u2019inverse, la souverainet\u00e9 \u00e9tatique \u00e9rige un pouvoir s\u00e9par\u00e9 au-dessus de la soci\u00e9t\u00e9. On a ainsi deux logiques : la premi\u00e8re, celle des communs, est fondamentalement plurielle et radicalement non centr\u00e9e, la seconde, celle de la souverainet\u00e9, est indissociable de l\u2019unicit\u00e9 d\u2019un centre qui a pour caract\u00e8re d\u2019\u00eatre indivisible et absolu. Le gouvernement des communs peut-il alors consister en un exercice direct de la souverainet\u00e9 du peuple par opposition \u00e0 la souverainet\u00e9 de l\u2019Etat\u00a0? \u00a0Mais peut-on concevoir une telle souverainet\u00e9 comme enti\u00e8rement immanente au social\u00a0? Etant un autogouvernement, le gouvernement des communs pr\u00e9suppose avant tout que la soci\u00e9t\u00e9 se donne des institutions politiques. <\/p>\n<h5>Principe du commun et transformation de l\u2019\u00c9tat<\/h5>\n<p>Christian Laval, Universit\u00e9 Paris-Nanterre (Paris, France)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Le principe du commun permet de concevoir et de proposer une transformation des services publics qui assurerait une coh\u00e9rence entre leurs finalit\u00e9s collectives, les r\u00e8gles de leur gestion et les proc\u00e9dures d\u00e9mocratiques permettant de d\u00e9cider des orientations de leur activit\u00e9. Il ne se r\u00e9duit pas \u00e0 une mani\u00e8re diff\u00e9rente d\u2019utiliser les administrations et les entreprises publiques, il vise \u00e0 transformer les institutions publiques elles-m\u00eames en leur donnant des missions et des formes correspondant \u00e0 leur signification politique la plus profonde : la mise en commun de ressources humaines et mat\u00e9rielles dans une institution dont le gouvernement et l\u2019administration doivent proc\u00e9der des choix de la soci\u00e9t\u00e9.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<p>Animation: Eric Pineault<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Le socialisme de Polanyi <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#ffffff; color:#000\">Utopie<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Dim 9:30 &#8211; SH-2800 &#8211; EN\/FR(Traduction disponible) &#8211; Atelier avanc\u00e9<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc25\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Pascal Lebrun, \u00c9cole d&rsquo;\u00e9tudes politiques de l&rsquo;Universit\u00e9 d&rsquo;Ottawa (Ottawa, Canada) <\/br>Michael Brie, Fondation Rosa Luxembourg (Berlin, Allemagne)<\/br>Kari Polanyi Levitt, McGill University (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Claus Thomasberger, Hochschule f\u00fcr Technik und Wirtschaft Berlin (Berlin, Allemagne)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc25\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Le socialisme de Polanyi <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5>Pour un socialisme de march\u00e9 r\u00e9ellement socialiste : Karl Polanyi et Pierre-Joseph Proudhon contre John Roemer et Alec Nove<\/h5>\n<p>Pascal Lebrun, \u00c9cole d&rsquo;\u00e9tudes politiques de l&rsquo;Universit\u00e9 d&rsquo;Ottawa (Ottawa, Canada) <\/br><\/p>\n<p>La d\u00e9ception engendr\u00e9e par le planisme dans la deuxi\u00e8me moiti\u00e9 du XXe si\u00e8cle entraine un certain retour au march\u00e9 au sein de la gauche de l\u2019\u00e9poque, retour dont le \u00ab socialisme de march\u00e9 \u00bb anglo-saxon des ann\u00e9es 1970-1980 est sans doute la forme la plus aboutie. Son acceptation de plusieurs concepts de la pens\u00e9e n\u00e9oclassique et sa conservation d\u2019aspects institutionnels propres au capitalisme posent cependant probl\u00e8me aux points de vue \u00e9thique, th\u00e9orique et pratique. Apr\u00e8s en avoir bri\u00e8vement pr\u00e9sent\u00e9 les raisons, j\u2019entends argumenter que le cadre th\u00e9orique formul\u00e9 par Karl Polanyi est \u00e9thiquement et th\u00e9oriquement plus int\u00e9ressant pour la gauche radicale cherchant des options de rechange au capitalisme, mais en n\u2019excluant pas toute forme de march\u00e9 de son projet de soci\u00e9t\u00e9. Je d\u00e9fendrai ensuite les propositions \u00e9conomiques de Pierre-Joseph Proudhon comme offrant un moyen plus int\u00e9ressant de mettre ce cadre th\u00e9orique en pratique.Cette proposition ne me semble de prime abord pas cadrer dans aucun des sous-th\u00e8mes pr\u00e9sent\u00e9s, mais pourrait peut-\u00eatre s\u2019inscrire dans celui-ci : \u00ab La planification \u00e9conomique et le march\u00e9 : quels r\u00f4les dans une soci\u00e9t\u00e9 post-capitaliste ? \u00bb.<\/p>\n<h5>Actuality of Polanyi&rsquo;s Project<\/h5>\n<p>Michael Brie, Fondation Rosa Luxembourg (Berlin, Allemagne)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Contentious nature of Indian student movements has roots in its colonial history. But the nature of contention has changed over the period of time. For contemporary student movements, one of the main challenge comes from rise of right wing Hindutva politics; whose political ideology seeks legitimacy from Hindu theology and celebrate hierarchical exclusionary system like \u2018Varna and Caste\u2019; in collaboration with neoliberal ruling elites, pose challenge the very fundamental of Indian democracy. Neoliberal policies, which advocates privatization of education and delegitimize students as \u2018political entity\u2019 help to further consolidate Hindu hierarchy; as in a privatized education system students from lower class and lower caste are denied entry because of their economic inability. The very \u2018Indian dichotomy\u2019, ruling elite sense of India as \u2018Technological Powerhouse\u201d and growing Student unrests in leading Universities increasingly confront each other and questions the current political establishment and their policies. This paper conceptualizes the idea of dissent and how dissent transforms into the process of resistance, in context of Student movements in Indian Higher educational Institutions and while doing so, also focuses the historical transition of student movements in India and how that transition affected present day motives of movements. To understand these, paper explores relations among religion, society and capital and how capital\u2019s effort to normalize non-democratic, exclusionary practices to maximize its profit is facing resistance in Indian campuses in terms of method and practices of movements. Finally, the paper also finds the impact that student movements\u2019 create in national politics in respect to policy formulation and to do that how it integrates itself with larger society. The paper will particularly focuses on anti-privatization movements in education and students activism on \u2018enacting Rohit Act\u2019 (Rohit Vemula, an \u2018untouchable\u2019 student committed suicide in campus) to protect the students from marginalized and weaker communities. <\/p>\n<h5>\u00c0 venir<\/h5>\n<p>Kari Polanyi Levitt, McGill University (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5>\u00c0 venir<\/h5>\n<p>Claus Thomasberger, Hochschule f\u00fcr Technik und Wirtschaft Berlin (Berlin, Allemagne)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">L\u2019\u00e9conomie politique de l\u2019apr\u00e8s-capitalisme <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#ffffff; color:#000\">Utopie<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Dim 9:30 &#8211; SH-3420 &#8211; FR(Traduction disponible) &#8211; Atelier avanc\u00e9<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc63\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\u00ab\u00a0Tout projet \u00e9mancipateur doit prendre en compte les relations de pouvoir qui se trouvent dans les organisations, notamment les entreprises. Une proposition d\u2019\u00e9conomie post-capitaliste implique l\u2019\u00e9laboration de nouvelles formes organisationnelles qui remet en question la distribution du pouvoir, non seulement au sein du milieu de travail, mais entre les diff\u00e9rentes parties prenantes touch\u00e9es par l\u2019activit\u00e9 des entreprises. Dans le mod\u00e8le de la coop\u00e9rative de travailleurs, le pouvoir est donn\u00e9 au&#8230;<\/p>\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Jonathan Durand Folco, ID\u00c9E (Institut pour la d\u00e9mocratie \u00e9conomique), \u00c9cole d&rsquo;innovation sociale de l&rsquo;Universit\u00e9 Saint-Paul (Montr\u00e9al, Canada) <\/br>Gabriel Monette, Universit\u00e9 de Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Miriam Fahmy, \u00c9ditrice et animatrice (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc63\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">L\u2019\u00e9conomie politique de l\u2019apr\u00e8s-capitalisme <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>\u00ab\u00a0Tout projet \u00e9mancipateur doit prendre en compte les relations de pouvoir qui se trouvent dans les organisations, notamment les entreprises. Une proposition d\u2019\u00e9conomie post-capitaliste implique l\u2019\u00e9laboration de nouvelles formes organisationnelles qui remet en question la distribution du pouvoir, non seulement au sein du milieu de travail, mais entre les diff\u00e9rentes parties prenantes touch\u00e9es par l\u2019activit\u00e9 des entreprises. Dans le mod\u00e8le de la coop\u00e9rative de travailleurs, le pouvoir est donn\u00e9 aux forces productives des organisations, mais force est de reconna\u00eetre qu\u2019il y a beaucoup d\u2019autres parties impliqu\u00e9s dans l\u2019activit\u00e9 \u00e9conomique, beaucoup d\u2019autres int\u00e9r\u00eats affect\u00e9s : consommateurs, gestionnaires, fournisseurs, membres de la communaut\u00e9, etc. Comment traduire l&rsquo;id\u00e9al d&rsquo;une \u00e9conomie d\u00e9mocratique par une redistribution concr\u00e8te du pouvoir dans les entreprises? Comment penser une transformation des structures de d\u00e9cision (conseil d\u2019administration, statuts et r\u00e8glements, haute direction), ainsi que de penser une transformation des pratiques de gestion collective et de collaboration au sein des milieux de travail? Comment \u201cmesurer\u201d la d\u00e9mocratie au sein de diverses organisations (entreprises d\u2019\u00e9conomie sociale, syndicats, coop\u00e9ratives, associations, soci\u00e9t\u00e9s d\u2019\u00c9tat&#8230;), en proposant des alternatives, r\u00e9formes structurelles et innovations organisationnelles? Si le d\u00e9passement du capitalisme doit toujours viser l\u2019abolition de l\u2019appropriation priv\u00e9e des moyens de production, de la logique d\u2019accumulation et de la rentabilit\u00e9 maximale au profit des actionnaires, l\u2019alternative est-elle forc\u00e9ment \u201ctout le pouvoir aux travailleurs\u201d? Qui devrait h\u00e9riter du pouvoir \u00e9conomique ainsi r\u00e9cup\u00e9r\u00e9? Et si la r\u00e9ponse \u00e9tait : \u201cune association o\u00f9 le libre \u00e9panouissement de chaque partie concern\u00e9e est la condition du libre \u00e9panouissement de toutes\u201d?<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p>Jonathan Durand Folco, ID\u00c9E (Institut pour la d\u00e9mocratie \u00e9conomique), \u00c9cole d&rsquo;innovation sociale de l&rsquo;Universit\u00e9 Saint-Paul (Montr\u00e9al, Canada) <\/br><\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Gabriel Monette, Universit\u00e9 de Montr\u00e9al (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Miriam Fahmy, \u00c9ditrice et animatrice (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Transitions \u00e9mancipatrices au Kurdistan et la possibilit\u00e9 d&rsquo;un avenir d\u00e9mocratique radical <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#ffffff; color:#000\">Utopie<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Dim 11:30 &#8211; SH-2420 &#8211; EN &#8211; Atelier introductif<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc45\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Behnam Amini, York University (Toronto, Canada)<\/br>Fouad Oveisy, University of California Irvine (Irvine, USA)<\/br>Sardar Saadi, University of Toronto (Toronto, Canada)<\/br>Gulay Kilicaslan, York University (Toronto, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc45\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Transitions \u00e9mancipatrices au Kurdistan et la possibilit\u00e9 d&rsquo;un avenir d\u00e9mocratique radical <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5>Emancipatory Transitions in Kurdistan and The Prospect of a Radical Democratic Future \/ Transitions \u00e9mancipatrices au Kurdistan et la possibilit\u00e9 d&rsquo;un avenir d\u00e9mocratique radical<\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<p>We intend to explore and reflect upon various aspects of social and political transformations that the Kurdish regions of Syria and Turkey have been experiencing in recent years. Since the 2011 uprisings in the Middle East, the majority Kurdish populated areas of northern Syria (i.e. Rojava) have led a revolutionary change in the region that promises an emancipatory politics based on democratic self-government, gender liberation, and communal-based restructuring of society. Struck by a long history of colonization and imperialist interventions as well as authoritarianism of modern states, people in Rojava have been developing an alternative to the oppressive and exclusive modern nation-state system in the Middle East. The idea of &lsquo;democratic confederalism,&rsquo; developed by Abdullah Ocalan, has been central to the Rojava revolution. It rejects the creation of a new nation-state as a solution to the plights of oppressed and colonized nations, and advocates the formation of confederate structures of democratic self-rule through people&rsquo;s assemblies and communes that challenge the rule of capital and patriarchy and celebrate the coexistence of ethnicities, religions and languages.Ocalan&rsquo;s paradigm of &lsquo;democratic confederalism&rsquo; has also been the primary source of inspiration for the Kurdish struggle in Turkey. Since the 1999 municipal elections in Turkey and the major victory of the pro-Kurdish People&rsquo;s Democracy Party (HADEP) in the municipalities of the Kurdish areas, a victory repeated in subsequent elections, the Kurdish freedom movement has been undergoing a strategic shift from rural and armed struggle to civil, participatory, and urban-based strategies of self-determination. The future of the Kurdish movement in both Syria and Turkey and their efforts to further their emancipatory politics toward a radical democratic future faces many challenges and questions. Presenters on this panel aim to discuss different sides of both the Rojava revolution in Syria and the Kurdish freedom movement in Turkey, and unpack some of the challenges and questions that have emerged from this context. This discussion aims to understand the lessons learned from the past and to provide an analysis of possible contributions to the future of emancipatory political struggles in the Middle East and beyond.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Behnam Amini, York University (Toronto, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Behnam Amini\u2019s presentation will examine the implications of the notion of Democratic Confederalism for the struggles of oppressed nations and social classes against complex formations of colonial, capitalist and patriarchal relations in the context of the modern Middle Eastern state system.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Fouad Oveisy, University of California Irvine (Irvine, USA)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Fouad Oveisy\u2019s presentation discusses the durability of the Rojava Revolution\u2019s practice within the Middle East realpolitik of the neoliberal order. Contesting the recent focus on conceiving \u00ab\u00a0new\u00a0\u00bb political practices, he holds that a transition to post-capitalism is anchored in articulating a strategic ethos for engagement with realpolitik. Fouad reviews leftist post-revolutionary documents and histories, from Robespierre&rsquo;s engagement with the question of political morality, to Abdullah Ocalan&rsquo;s reworking of ethnic, religious, and gender contradictions in the region in his manual on democratic confederalism.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Sardar Saadi, University of Toronto (Toronto, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Sardar Saadi&rsquo;s presentation examines the rise and repression of the Pro-Kurdish Municipality Movement in Turkey. He will try to shed light on the many challenges the pro-Kurdish municipalities, especially Diyarbakir municipality, have faced in the last two decades, and the ways in which the Kurdish movement has intended to actualize the project of democratic autonomy using municipality and urban spaces.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Gulay Kilicaslan, York University (Toronto, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>G\u00fclay Kilicaslan\u2019s presentation will discuss the Kurdish Question in Turkey by focusing on the antagonistic relation between the political and organizational change of the Kurdish political movement towards a radical democratic future, and AKP government\u2019s policies towards election reversal and the crackdown on Kurdish civil society in relation to its road to regime change.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Socialisme r\u00e9volutionnaire pour le 21eme si\u00e8cle <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#ffffff; color:#000\">Utopie<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Dim 11:30 &#8211; SH-2560 &#8211; EN &#8211; Atelier introductif<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc73\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">Hal Draper famously argued that there were two souls of socialism\u2014socialism from above and socialism from below. The dominant tradition of twentieth century socialism was two forms of socialism from above\u2014Stalinism and social democracy. The former discredited socialism by confusing it with one party dictatorships that oppressed the laboring majority. And the latter betrayed the working class by managing the system in various countries during the post war boom and over the last forty years adopti&#8230;<\/p>\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Todd Chretien, International Socialist Organization &#038; New Socialists (Oakland, \u00c9tats-Unis) <\/br>David Camfield, University of Manitoba (Winnipeg, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Animation:  Clarice Kuhling<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc73\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Socialisme r\u00e9volutionnaire pour le 21eme si\u00e8cle <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Hal Draper famously argued that there were two souls of socialism\u2014socialism from above and socialism from below. The dominant tradition of twentieth century socialism was two forms of socialism from above\u2014Stalinism and social democracy. The former discredited socialism by confusing it with one party dictatorships that oppressed the laboring majority. And the latter betrayed the working class by managing the system in various countries during the post war boom and over the last forty years adopting neoliberalism. This panel present the tradition of socialism from below\u2014the idea that only the workers and oppressed people can liberate themselves\u2014as the foundation on which to build revolutionary socialism for the 21st century.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p>Todd Chretien, International Socialist Organization &#038; New Socialists (Oakland, \u00c9tats-Unis) <\/br><\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>David Camfield, University of Manitoba (Winnipeg, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<p>Animation:  Clarice Kuhling<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">La d\u00e9croissance : un projet de gauche pour notre \u00e9poque <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#ffffff; color:#000\">Utopie<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Dim 11:30 &#8211; SH-3420 &#8211; EN\/FR(Traduction disponible) &#8211; Atelier introductif<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc89\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">Degrowth is an intellectual current that has come into its own largely in response to the ecological emergency of our time. Building on the work of a wide range of heterodox thinkers, its guiding thesis is the impossibility of infinite growth on a finite planet.  Given that perpetual economic growth is the necessary condition of capitalism, degrowth is objectively an anti-capitalist worldview and is advanced explicitly as such by the movement\u2019s more radical wing, which owes much to the ideas of &#8230;<\/p>\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">L\u00e9a Heroux-Mailhot, Hautes \u00c9tudes Commerciales (Montr\u00e9al, Canada) <\/br>Louis Marion,  (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Philippe Gauthier, Journaliste (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Bengi Akbulut, Universit\u00e9 Concordia (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br>Andrea Levy, Canadian Dimension et NCS (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc89\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">La d\u00e9croissance : un projet de gauche pour notre \u00e9poque <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Degrowth is an intellectual current that has come into its own largely in response to the ecological emergency of our time. Building on the work of a wide range of heterodox thinkers, its guiding thesis is the impossibility of infinite growth on a finite planet.  Given that perpetual economic growth is the necessary condition of capitalism, degrowth is objectively an anti-capitalist worldview and is advanced explicitly as such by the movement\u2019s more radical wing, which owes much to the ideas of Andr\u00e9 Gorz as well as to the work of French critics of development such as Serge Latouche and Gilbert Rist. While it shares considerable intellectual terrain with ecosocialism, degrowth challenges a number of dominant premises of the socialist tradition, notably in its rejection of the technological deus ex machina, its favourable view of decentralization, and its pluralistic conception of the agency of social transformation. This panel aims to examine the distinctive character of degrowth as a body of thought, and to make a case for degrowth as a radical left project indispensable to overcoming the multiple crises we face today as a society and as a species.  <\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p>L\u00e9a Heroux-Mailhot, Hautes \u00c9tudes Commerciales (Montr\u00e9al, Canada) <\/br><\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Louis Marion,  (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Philippe Gauthier, Journaliste (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Bengi Akbulut, Universit\u00e9 Concordia (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Andrea Levy, Canadian Dimension et NCS (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Utopies socialistes et anarchistes <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#ffffff; color:#000\">Utopie<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Dim 11:30 &#8211; SH-2620 &#8211; EN\/FR(Traduction disponible) &#8211; Atelier avanc\u00e9<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc111\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Anitra Nelson, RMIT University (Melbourne (Victoria), Australie) <\/br>Terry Leahy, University of Newcastle (Newcastle, Australie)<\/br>Nicole Landry, Carleton University (Ottawa, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc111\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Utopies socialistes et anarchistes <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5>Socialism where humans, not money, are central<\/h5>\n<p>Anitra Nelson, RMIT University (Melbourne (Victoria), Australie) <\/br><\/p>\n<p>Post-capitalists need to challenge economic processes that automatically produce inequality, hierarchical governance and ecological crises, and substitute them with everyday practices and decision-making that focus on fulfilling basic human needs and environmental sustainability. Nonmarket socialism has a varied history and, in its ecosocialist version, a peculiar significance in successfully achieving socialism and planetary environmental sustainability in the 21st century (Nelson and Timmerman 2011). The strategy for establishing such a \u2018utopia\u2019 focuses on dispensing with markets, replacing the current monetary principle for economic development with direct democracy exercised on the basis of subsidiarity and local collectively sufficient economies. Such direct democracy has no need for exchange media or measures because contributions to society are based on obligatory work and collective decision-making over what and how much work needs to be done, using collectively identified resources and techniques. This presentation argues that many post-capitalists need to be more aware of the central importance of substituting collective governance for monetary and market processes (Nelson 2016) and that certain existing intentional communities that pursue collective sufficiency, eschew production for trade and engage in nonmonetary exchange networks show that such processes efficiently, effectively and beneficially allow for stewardship functions in healing and maintaining ecological integrity and nature\u2019s bounty, account for resource limits and succeed in fulfilling people\u2019s basic needs.<\/p>\n<h5>How to save the environment \u2018without planning\u2019<\/h5>\n<p>Terry Leahy, University of Newcastle (Newcastle, Australie)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>The alienated labour and centralised state management of capitalism propels environmental unsustainability so that the post-capitalist movement faces massive environmental crises and challenges. Within the nonmarket socialist gift economy proposed, decision-making would not only move beyond the democratic fa\u00e7ade of capitalism but also operate vastly differently from that in the prototypical centralised state power and planned economies of 20th century socialisms (Leahy, Gift Economy site; Leahy in Nelson and Timmerman 2011).A revolution for post-capitalism would focus on seizing the means of production for use as commons under use-right sharing principles and processes. As in Indigenous cultures there would be ethics and rituals linking us to the natural world. Many Indigenous societies \u2014 patchworks of small communities with overlapping territories, trade and exchange, intermarriage and cultures \u2014 have had homogeneous de-centralised modes of production involving conflicts, compacts and fluid power dynamics. They have achieved environmental sustainability through indulgent childcare, generous sharing according to need, appropriate technologies and productivity, respecting the limits and potential of nature, and culturally celebrating the natural world.Local decision-making through chains of overlapping compacts would enhance the environment, minimise work and advance nonmarket exchange relationships. International-scale decision-making would be reached via global consultation using scientific study, and outcomes implemented locally by elected volunteers. It is hard to imagine any ways to address the depth and scale of environmental crisis without the development of such a post-capitalist \u2018utopia\u2019 (Leahy 2017).<\/p>\n<h5>\u00ab\u00a0Full Communism Now!\u00a0\u00bb: Utopia in Socialist Thought and Praxis<\/h5>\n<p>Nicole Landry, Carleton University (Ottawa, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>A number of major left social movements in recent years have been criticized for a perceived lack of coherently articulated, concrete demands (consider Occupy and Black Lives Matter). While there is and has been a clear, wide-ranging rejection of existing socioeconomic conditions since the 2008 financial crisis, including proliferating criticism of capitalism by name, the broad-based social movements that have arisen in its aftermath have primarily focused on resistance to various injustices, remaining relatively weak on specific visions for a just future. Although such movements employ the language of revolution, they have so far failed to gain real revolutionary momentum or purchase, arguably due at least in part to this weakness. Turning to the utopian tradition, this presentation will engage with the strategically relevant question of visions of the future\u2014specifically of postcapitalist futures\u2014with a view to understanding how utopian thinking may help to channel resistance movements into a positive political program with effective revolutionary potential.Utopia and utopianism have drawn much criticism from the Marxist left as merely abstract idealism, divorced from questions of material reality and agency. Drawing on the work of Ernst Bloch and Fredric Jameson, this presentation will defend a utopianism that is in fact oriented toward concrete political struggle and social transformation. It will explore how the utopian tradition has historically contributed to socialist political theory and practice, as well as how it might do so today. Ultimately, it will argue that we currently find ourselves, in Jameson\u2019s terms, in a context of resurgent \u201cutopian impulse\u201d; what is missing\u2014and necessary\u2014is a correlative renewal of the \u201cutopian program\u201d if we are, as Leo Panitch and Sam Gindin put it, to \u201crekindle socialism\u201d today.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Socialisme et dialectique au XXIe si\u00e8cle <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#ffffff; color:#000\">Utopie<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Dim 11:30 &#8211; SH-2140 &#8211; FR &#8211; Atelier avanc\u00e9<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc117\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">\u00c9ric Martin, C\u00e9gep \u00c9douard-Montpetit (Longueuil, Canada)<\/br>Karine R\u00e9gimbald, Universit\u00e9 d&rsquo;Ottawa (Ottawa, Canada)<\/br>Nichola Gendreau Richer, Universit\u00e9 d&rsquo;Ottawa (Ottawa, Canada)<\/br>Samie Pag\u00e9-Quirion, Universit\u00e9 d&rsquo;Ottawa (Ottawa, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc117\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Socialisme et dialectique au XXIe si\u00e8cle <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5>Socialisme et dialectique au XXIe si\u00e8cle \/ Socialism and dialectics in the 21st Century<\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<p>4 pr\u00e9sentations abordant le sujet du socialisme et de la dialectique au XXIe si\u00e8cle.<\/p>\n<h5>Un n\u00e9cessaire retour \u00e0 la pens\u00e9e dialectique<\/h5>\n<p>\u00c9ric Martin, C\u00e9gep \u00c9douard-Montpetit (Longueuil, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Chez Platon, la naissance de la philosophie co\u00efncide avec celle de la dialectique. Chez Hegel, la dialectique d\u00e9signe le mouvement par lequel l\u2019Esprit engendre aussi bien l\u2019esprit subjectif que la nature et l\u2019esprit objectif, c\u2019est-\u00e0-dire la soci\u00e9t\u00e9 et l\u2019\u00c9tat. Chez Marx, la dialectique d\u00e9signe la m\u00e9thode d\u2019analyse qui suit pas \u00e0 pas les cons\u00e9quences de la m\u00e9diation des rapports sociaux par le f\u00e9tichisme marchand et le travail abstrait, aussi bien que le mouvement par lequel le capital engendre ses propres fossoyeurs. La dialectique de l\u2019histoire est bloqu\u00e9e par le maintien dans l\u2019existence d\u2019un mode de production qui emp\u00eache le sujet et la communaut\u00e9 d\u2019\u00eatre \u00ab\u00a0pour soi\u00a0\u00bb. En somme, la pens\u00e9e dialectique est ins\u00e9parable du d\u00e9veloppement de la tradition h\u00e9g\u00e9liano-marxiste et de la th\u00e9orie critique. Herbert Marcuse disait, dans l\u2019homme unidimensionnel, que la place de la philosophie \u00e9tait menac\u00e9e dans l\u2019universit\u00e9 am\u00e9ricaine. Plus pr\u00e9cis\u00e9ment, c\u2019est la dialectique qui apparaissait menac\u00e9e, soit par l\u2019effacement g\u00e9n\u00e9ral de la philosophie, ou par la g\u00e9n\u00e9ralisation de courants anti-dialectiques. D\u00e9j\u00e0, le marxisme traditionnel ou vulgaire avait r\u00e9duit Marx au r\u00f4le d\u2019\u00e9conomiste et \u00e9vacu\u00e9 le rapport Hegel-Marx. La popularisation des approches analytiques ou d\u00e9constructionnistes parach\u00e8ve ce que Deleuze appelait \u00ab\u00a0l\u2019anti-h\u00e9g\u00e9lianisme g\u00e9n\u00e9ralis\u00e9\u00a0\u00bb. R\u00e9sultat\u00a0: on ne trouve plus gu\u00e8re aujourd\u2019hui, m\u00eame chez les penseurs \u00ab\u00a0critiques\u00a0\u00bb ou \u00ab\u00a0marxiens\u00a0\u00bb de gens pour se r\u00e9clamer de la dialectique, ce qui est singulier, puisque cette derni\u00e8re constitue le noyau fondateur de la pens\u00e9e de Marx. Certaines approches contemporaines, comme la th\u00e9orie critique de la valeur et la pens\u00e9e du sociologue Michel Freitag, remettent de l\u2019avant l\u2019importance de la dialectique pour penser le d\u00e9passement des contradictions du monde contemporain. Ma pr\u00e9sentation vise \u00e0 montrer l\u2019urgence d\u2019en revenir \u00e0 la pens\u00e9e dialectique. <\/p>\n<h5>Penser l&rsquo;Humanit\u00e9 chez Pierre Leroux : une philosophie politique moderne ?<\/h5>\n<p>Karine R\u00e9gimbald, Universit\u00e9 d&rsquo;Ottawa (Ottawa, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Qui conna\u00eet aujourd&rsquo;hui le philosophe fran\u00e7ais socialiste Pierre Leroux que Marx, d\u00e8s 1843, appelait dans une lettre \u00e9crite \u00e0 Ludwig Feuerbach, \u00ab le g\u00e9nial Leroux \u00bb ? Pierre Leroux, qui ne serait rien de moins que l&rsquo;inventeur du mot socialisme, \u00e9tait consid\u00e9r\u00e9 \u00e0 son \u00e9poque, entre autres, par George Sand et Lamartine comme le futur \u00ab Rousseau du XIXe si\u00e8cle \u00bb (Abensour, 4e de couverture; Tardy, 2017 : 603). Consid\u00e9r\u00e9 par plusieurs comme le quatri\u00e8me utopiste socialiste, apr\u00e8s Robert Owen, Charles Fourier et Charles-Henry de Saint-Simon, il s&rsquo;est notamment port\u00e9 \u00e0 la d\u00e9fense des communards et a re\u00e7u des fun\u00e9railles officielles sous la Commune. Pourtant, malgr\u00e9 son envergure, et ce, de fa\u00e7on paradoxale, il est tomb\u00e9 dans l&rsquo;oubli. \u00c0 suivre le philosophe fran\u00e7ais Miguel Abensour, Leroux, un personnage qui demeure \u00e0 ce jour \u00ab \u00e9nigmatique \u00bb, rien ne justifie que son \u0153uvre soit tomb\u00e9e dans l&rsquo;oubli. Il offrirait, selon Abensour, une r\u00e9flexion renouvel\u00e9e sur les relations entre philosophie politique et socialisme, plus pr\u00e9cis\u00e9ment, sur les liens entre politique et \u00e9mancipation sociale. Notre pr\u00e9sentation propose donc de revenir sur la doctrine de l&rsquo;Humanit\u00e9 pr\u00e9sent\u00e9e par Leroux qui, loin d&rsquo;\u00eatre v\u00e9tuste, permet de penser \u00e0 nouveaux frais la modernit\u00e9 politique. Plus pr\u00e9cis\u00e9ment, selon nous, la philosophie, telle que comprise par Leroux, invite non pas \u00e0 un retour au socialisme du XIXe si\u00e8cle, mais constitue plut\u00f4t une piste de r\u00e9flexion, une ouverture possible pour envisager une sortie du capitalisme et de sa logique processuelle. C&rsquo;est donc d&rsquo;un point de vue essentiellement philosophique, \u00e0 partir d&rsquo;une mani\u00e8re d&rsquo;habiter le monde sous le signe de l&rsquo;Humanit\u00e9, propos\u00e9e par Leroux, que s&rsquo;articulera notre pr\u00e9sentation. <\/p>\n<h5>Th\u00e9orie critique et socialisme<\/h5>\n<p>Nichola Gendreau Richer, Universit\u00e9 d&rsquo;Ottawa (Ottawa, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>La th\u00e9orie critique a connu de multiples changements d\u2019orientation malgr\u00e9 sa courte existence. La th\u00e9orie critique a \u00e9merg\u00e9 dans les ann\u00e9es\u00a01930 lorsque le directeur de l\u2019\u00c9cole de Francfort, Max Horkheimer, a r\u00e9dig\u00e9 l\u2019ouvrage Th\u00e9orie traditionnelle et th\u00e9orie critique. Horkheimer affirme que le but de la Th\u00e9orie critique est de \u00ab\u00a0tendre vers un \u00e9tat social sans exploitation ni oppression, dans lequel existe r\u00e9ellement un sujet plus vaste que l\u2019individu\u00a0\u00bb (Horkheimer,\u00a01974\u00a0: 79). Ce courant politique semble franchir une nouvelle \u00e9tape, soit l\u2019union de la Th\u00e9orie critique et du socialisme. En effet, les derniers travaux d\u2019Axel Honneth portent sur la question de la th\u00e9orie du socialisme et en proposent de nouvelles fondations plus compatibles avec la r\u00e9alit\u00e9 du XXIe si\u00e8cle. En r\u00e9ponse \u00e0 cet ouvrage, Franck Fischbach a compos\u00e9 une \u00e9tude intitul\u00e9e Qu\u2019est-ce qu\u2019un gouvernement socialiste. Il y propose un dialogue entre sa vision du socialisme et celle de Honneth. Nous jugeons f\u00e9cond d\u2019analyser ce tournant important de la Th\u00e9orie critique. Pour ce faire, nous proposons une analyse comparative des ouvrages de Honneth et de Fischbach portant sur le socialisme. Dans l\u2019\u00e9tude de ceux-ci, des th\u00e9matiques semblent s\u2019imposer. La premi\u00e8re est leur compr\u00e9hension de l\u2019importance du travail dans le capitalisme avanc\u00e9 et dans la construction du socialisme. La deuxi\u00e8me concerne l\u2019importance du march\u00e9 et de la propri\u00e9t\u00e9 priv\u00e9e. Finalement, il semble y avoir une division entre les deux auteurs quant \u00e0 l\u2019importance du droit et de l\u2019\u00c9tat. Gr\u00e2ce \u00e0 la comparaison de ces deux ouvrages et la mise en rapport avec les postulats initiaux de la Th\u00e9orie critique, nous pensons pouvoir participer aux r\u00e9flexions entourant les besoins de rompre avec le capitalisme et de construire un monde r\u00e9ellement social. <\/p>\n<h5>Socialisme et perspective d\u00e9coloniale dialectique dans la pens\u00e9e f\u00e9ministe qu\u00e9b\u00e9coise<\/h5>\n<p>Samie Pag\u00e9-Quirion, Universit\u00e9 d&rsquo;Ottawa (Ottawa, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Entre le Tigre et l&rsquo;Euphrate (M\u00e9sopotamie) na\u00eet le logos d\u00e9signant une id\u00e9e de mesure, de langage et de raison. Depuis ce lieu, selon Michel Fattal dans son livre Pour un nouveau langage de la raison\u00a0: Convergences entre l&rsquo;Orient et l&rsquo;Occident (1987), deux sens au logos s&rsquo;observent; un sens analytique et critique originaire de Platon, Parm\u00e9nide et Aristote, et un autre, plus englobant et synth\u00e9tique chez Saint Jean, les sto\u00efciens et H\u00e9raclite (Fattal, 1987, p.6). Fattal consid\u00e8re que l&rsquo;Orient a pr\u00e9serv\u00e9 et d\u00e9velopp\u00e9 un sens de l&rsquo;unit\u00e9 et de la communaut\u00e9 du logos, et l&rsquo;Occident, un sens de la critique et de l&rsquo;analyse. Aujourd&rsquo;hui, le d\u00e9cha\u00eenement des d\u00e9sirs individuels engendr\u00e9 par \u00ab\u00a0la guerre de chaos\u00a0\u00bb que m\u00e8ne le capitalisme avanc\u00e9 aux peuples, aux soci\u00e9t\u00e9s et aux civilisations force les socialistes \u00e0 repenser l&rsquo;unit\u00e9 sociale o\u00f9 il devient imp\u00e9ratif d&rsquo;harmoniser ce double sens au logos. Dans cette optique, la rencontre de l&rsquo;autre, de l&rsquo;immigrant, de la diff\u00e9rence culturelle et religieuse au Qu\u00e9bec vient fa\u00e7onner notre exp\u00e9rience du politique et nous permet d&rsquo;enrichir notre projet socialiste de ce sens de l&rsquo;unit\u00e9 \u00e0 travers un regard critique et analytique. \u00c0 partir de ce postulat, la pens\u00e9e d\u00e9coloniale, impr\u00e9gn\u00e9e de la fonction d&rsquo;unit\u00e9 du logos, n\u2019est pas toujours porteuse d&rsquo;aplatissement de la r\u00e9alit\u00e9, ni de rejet des totalit\u00e9s, mais au contraire d&rsquo;harmonisation dialectique entre les approches holiste et individualiste. D&rsquo;ailleurs, les pays p\u00e9riph\u00e9riques qui exp\u00e9rimentent l&rsquo;humanisme, la modernit\u00e9 occidentale et le marxisme, en assimilant leurs doctrines, arrivent \u00e0 exprimer leur subjectivit\u00e9 historique en produisant une compr\u00e9hension dialectique de la relation entre les sujets individuels et de l&rsquo;unit\u00e9 sociale. \u00c0 la fois critique et soucieuse d&rsquo;une pr\u00e9servation de la diff\u00e9rence au sein de l&rsquo;unit\u00e9 sociale, cette pens\u00e9e introduit les \u00e9tudes f\u00e9ministes au Qu\u00e9bec depuis quelque temps. Dans cet expos\u00e9, nous \u00e9tudierons quelques discours f\u00e9ministes travers\u00e9s par la pens\u00e9e d\u00e9coloniale meublant la sc\u00e8ne politique qu\u00e9b\u00e9coise comme un ph\u00e9nom\u00e8ne exprimant \u00e0 la fois la crise de l&rsquo;unit\u00e9 sociale et un d\u00e9sir de surmonter les conflits et les paradoxes entre les individus et la soci\u00e9t\u00e9.\u00a0\u00bb<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Comment l&rsquo;\u00e9conomie domine nos vies <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#2563a8; color:#fff\">Capitalisme<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Jeu 19:00 &#8211; SH-2800 &#8211; EN\/FR(Traduction disponible) &#8211; Pl\u00e9ni\u00e8re<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc26\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Alain Deneault, Coll\u00e8ge international de philosophie \u00e0 Paris (Montr\u00e9al, Qu\u00e9bec) <\/br>Johanna Bockman, George Mason University (Washington, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br>Kari Polanyi Levitt, Universit\u00e9 McGill (Montr\u00e9al, Qu\u00e9bec)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc26\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Comment l&rsquo;\u00e9conomie domine nos vies <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5>La fin de l\u2019\u00e9conomie<\/h5>\n<p>Alain Deneault, Coll\u00e8ge international de philosophie \u00e0 Paris (Montr\u00e9al, Qu\u00e9bec) <\/br><\/p>\n<p>L&rsquo;\u00e9conomie est n\u00e9cessairement au centre de nos vies, et ce, de mani\u00e8res bien plus diversifi\u00e9es et fines que nous ont amen\u00e9s \u00e0 en prendre conscience les sciences \u00e9conomiques et leurs pr\u00e9tendus experts. C&rsquo;est \u00e0 une confiscation des multiples acceptions et significations du mot \u00e9conomie que ces derniers ont proc\u00e9d\u00e9 depuis plus d&rsquo;un si\u00e8cle. La chute annonc\u00e9e du r\u00e9gime productiviste et les vices logiques de l&rsquo;id\u00e9ologie de la croissance exigent que soient recouvr\u00e9es les significations oubli\u00e9es ou n\u00e9glig\u00e9es du terme \u00e9conomie.<\/p>\n<h5>R\u00e9cup\u00e9rer les socialismes \u00e0 partir du n\u00e9olib\u00e9ralisme: Les march\u00e9s anticapitalistes et l\u2019ajustement structurel r\u00e9volutionnaire <\/h5>\n<p>Johanna Bockman, George Mason University (Washington, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Le n\u00e9olib\u00e9ralisme est la forme actuelle du capitalisme qui domine nos vies, mais le n\u00e9olib\u00e9ralisme contient aussi &#8211; du moins en termes de potentiel &#8211; des d\u00e9cennies d\u2019exp\u00e9rimentations socialistes et de d\u00e9mocratie radicale. Je m\u2019appuie sur Boltanski et Chiapello (2005) et sur Fraser (2009), qui con\u00e7oivent le n\u00e9olib\u00e9ralisme comme produit de l\u2019int\u00e9gration des critiques du capitalisme dans le capitalisme lui-m\u00eame par les \u00e9lites comme sources de renouvellement. J\u2019affirme en outre que les \u00e9lites ont incorpor\u00e9 dans le capitalisme non seulement ses critiques, mais aussi, de mani\u00e8re d\u00e9form\u00e9e, des id\u00e9es, exp\u00e9rimentations et communs socialistes cr\u00e9\u00e9s par des mouvements socialistes internationaux. Dans ma pr\u00e9sentation, je m\u2019appuierai sur le cas de l\u2019ajustement structurel sovi\u00e9tique et yougoslave, qui s\u2019est fondamentalement dissoci\u00e9 de l\u2019ajustement structurel de la Banque mondiale, pour montrer comment l\u2019ajustement structurel de la Banque mondiale a \u00e9t\u00e9 tant oppressif alors que d\u2019autres ajustements et mondialisations structurels pourraient se r\u00e9v\u00e9ler \u00eatre plus lib\u00e9rateurs, et des socialismes r\u00e9cup\u00e9rables \u00e0 partir du n\u00e9olib\u00e9ralisme.<\/p>\n<h5>La libert\u00e9 en tant que lib\u00e9ration des sciences \u00e9conomiques Freedom as Liberation from Economics<\/h5>\n<p>Kari Polanyi Levitt, Universit\u00e9 McGill (Montr\u00e9al, Qu\u00e9bec)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Le capitalisme moderne se distingue dans la civilisation humaine par le niveau auquel la soci\u00e9t\u00e9 est une soci\u00e9t\u00e9 de l\u2019\u00e9conomie. Selon Polanyi, dans les civilisations pr\u00e9c\u00e9dentes, le syst\u00e8me \u00e9conomique \u00e9tait absorb\u00e9 ou intriqu\u00e9 dans le syst\u00e8me social. Avec la venue du capitalisme industriel s\u2019est produite une inversion de cette relation dans laquelle la soci\u00e9t\u00e9 et les institutions sociales servent les n\u00e9cessit\u00e9s \u00e9conomiques. Les valeurs du march\u00e9 en termes de relations entre offre et demande d\u00e9terminent d\u00e9sormais les perceptions des contributions \u00e0 la soci\u00e9t\u00e9. \u00c0 l\u2019\u00e8re de la mondialisation n\u00e9olib\u00e9rale, le financement de l\u2019activit\u00e9 \u00e9conomique a augment\u00e9 l\u2019importance de l\u2019argent dans la vie quotidienne.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Philosophies critiques et luttes anticapitalistes <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#a40000; color:#fff\">Th\u00e9orie critique<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Ven 16:00 &#8211; SH-2800 &#8211; EN\/FR(Traduction disponible) &#8211; Pl\u00e9ni\u00e8re<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc27\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">David McNally, York University (Toronto, Canada) <\/br>Bruno Bosteels, Cornell University (Ithaca, USA)<\/br>Franck Fischback, Universit\u00e9 de Strasbourg (Strasbourg, France)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc27\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Philosophies critiques et luttes anticapitalistes <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<p>David McNally, York University (Toronto, Canada) <\/br><\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Bruno Bosteels, Cornell University (Ithaca, USA)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Franck Fischback, Universit\u00e9 de Strasbourg (Strasbourg, France)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">F\u00e9minisme, antiracisme et lutte de classes <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#8b25a8; color:#fff\">F\u00e9minisme<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Ven 19:30 &#8211; SH-2800 &#8211; EN\/FR(Traduction disponible) &#8211; Pl\u00e9ni\u00e8re<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc28\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Himani Bannerji, York University (Toronto, Canada) <\/br>Diane Lamoureux, Universit\u00e9 Laval (Qu\u00e9bec, Canada)<\/br>Dalie Giroux, Universit\u00e9 d&rsquo;Ottawa (Ottawa, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc28\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">F\u00e9minisme, antiracisme et lutte de classes <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5>La fabrication d\u2019un nouvel espace social: R\u00e9flections sur les relations entre l\u2019usine et la famille<\/h5>\n<p>Himani Bannerji, York University (Toronto, Canada) <\/br><\/p>\n<p>Cet article se penche sur le caract\u00e8re concret du mode de production capitaliste et montre que l\u2019organisation de ce mode est sociale plut\u00f4t qu\u2019uniquement \u00e9conomique. Il remet en question le pr\u00e9suppos\u00e9 fr\u00e9quent selon lequel il y a une diff\u00e9rence qualitative entre le lieu de travail et le foyer. Il essaie donc d\u2019aller au-del\u00e0 d\u2019une pens\u00e9e binaire en montrant comment \u201cles activit\u00e9s humaines sensibles, la pratique\u201d (Marx) d\u00e9termin\u00e9es par le mode de production capitaliste sont fonci\u00e8rement constitutives du social concret.<\/p>\n<h5>Le projet socialiste peut-il passer \u00e0 c\u00f4t\u00e9 du f\u00e9minisme?<\/h5>\n<p>Diane Lamoureux, Universit\u00e9 Laval (Qu\u00e9bec, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Les soci\u00e9t\u00e9s occidentales contemporaines sont structur\u00e9es autour de trois grands axes de domination : classe, race et sexe. Si l\u2019on poursuit l\u2019objectif de b\u00e2tir des soci\u00e9t\u00e9s caract\u00e9ris\u00e9es par l\u2019\u00e9galit\u00e9, la libert\u00e9 et la solidarit\u00e9, on ne peut lutter efficacement pour la justice sociale en laissant de c\u00f4t\u00e9 l\u2019un de ces grands axes de domination qui s\u2019enchev\u00eatrent dans la vie de plusieurs individus et s\u2019associent \u00e0 d\u2019autres structures de domination (ex. capacitisme, h\u00e9t\u00e9rosexisme). Un projet coh\u00e9rent de transformation sociale doit donc s\u2019attarder \u00e0 la matrice de la domination (qui associe, de mani\u00e8re propre \u00e0 chaque soci\u00e9t\u00e9, ces trois grands syst\u00e8mes de domination) prise dans son ensemble et non \u00e0 un seul aspect de celle-ci. Ceci implique non pas une fragmentation des luttes mais une solidarit\u00e9 plus forte puisqu\u2019elle repose sur l\u2019inclusion et la reconnaissance des diff\u00e9rences entre opprim\u00e9.es et exploit\u00e9.es.<\/p>\n<h5>Pour une politique d\u00e9-coloniale<\/h5>\n<p>Dalie Giroux, Universit\u00e9 d&rsquo;Ottawa (Ottawa, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Il s\u2019agira (1) d\u2019identifier quelques lignes de force de l\u2019analyse et des pratiques anticoloniales historiques et contemporaines ; (2) d\u2019\u00e9voquer ce que pourrait signifier aujourd\u2019hui une politique d\u00e9-coloniale en fonction de ces lignes de force ; (3) d\u2019esquisser une lecture de la situation du Qu\u00e9bec\/Canada contemporain dans les termes d\u2019une telle politique.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Sauver la plan\u00e8te du capitalisme <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#38a825; color:#fff\">\u00c9cologie<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Sam 16:00 &#8211; SH-2800 &#8211; EN\/FR(Traduction disponible) &#8211; Pl\u00e9ni\u00e8re<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc29\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">Face aux bouleversements majeurs que conna\u00eet actuellement notre environnement, pouvons-nous nous contenter de travailler \u00e0 une simple conversion de nos modes de production \u00e9nerg\u00e9tique afin que ceux-ci \u00e9mettent moins de gaz \u00e0 effet de serre au risque de nier l&rsquo;ensemble des impacts qu&rsquo;auront ces bouleversements sur l&rsquo;ensemble des soci\u00e9t\u00e9s humaines ? Ou devons nous saisir l&rsquo;occasion sans pr\u00e9c\u00e9dent que nous offre cette transition \u00e9cologique pour revoir enti\u00e8rement notre mode de vie et par l\u00e0 m\u00eame in&#8230;<\/p>\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Maristella Svampa, Universidad Nacional de la Plata (La Plata, Argentine) <\/br>Jason W. Moore, Binghamton University (Binghamton, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br>Anne-C\u00e9line Guyon,  (Qu\u00e9bec)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc29\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Sauver la plan\u00e8te du capitalisme <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Face aux bouleversements majeurs que conna\u00eet actuellement notre environnement, pouvons-nous nous contenter de travailler \u00e0 une simple conversion de nos modes de production \u00e9nerg\u00e9tique afin que ceux-ci \u00e9mettent moins de gaz \u00e0 effet de serre au risque de nier l&rsquo;ensemble des impacts qu&rsquo;auront ces bouleversements sur l&rsquo;ensemble des soci\u00e9t\u00e9s humaines ? Ou devons nous saisir l&rsquo;occasion sans pr\u00e9c\u00e9dent que nous offre cette transition \u00e9cologique pour revoir enti\u00e8rement notre mode de vie et par l\u00e0 m\u00eame inclure dans nos r\u00e9flexions et nos actions les perspectives syst\u00e9miques ? \u00c0 travers une tentative de r\u00e9ponse \u00e0 ces questions, nous nous interrogerons aussi sur le r\u00f4le que joue actuellement le mouvement environnemental dans ces r\u00e9flexions en nous appuyant sur des exemples pr\u00e9cis de luttes actuelles au Qu\u00e9bec.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p>Maristella Svampa, Universidad Nacional de la Plata (La Plata, Argentine) <\/br><\/p>\n<h5>The creatures, too, must become free: Planetary Justice and Origins of Biospheric Crisis<\/h5>\n<p>Jason W. Moore, Binghamton University (Binghamton, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5>Luttes et mouvements \u00e9co-territoriaux<\/h5>\n<p>Anne-C\u00e9line Guyon,  (Qu\u00e9bec)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>A la fin d\u2019un cycle progressiste, l\u2019Am\u00e9rique latine montre un bilan inqui\u00e9tant: elle continue \u00e0 \u00eatre non pas seulement la r\u00e9gion la plus in\u00e9galitaire de la plan\u00e8te, mais aussi la r\u00e9gion avec le plus grand nombre de meurtres de militants environnementaux et les plus grands accaparements de terres.Malgr\u00e9 les rapports tendus entre progressisme et mouvement socio-environementaux, la situation connait aujourd\u2019hui bien de nouvelles inflexions et m\u00eame un tournant conservateur dans certains pays. Cela dit, l\u2019importance des multiples luttes \u00e9co-territoriales en Am\u00e9rique Latine ne peut pas \u00eatre ni\u00e9e. Pour r\u00e9fl\u00e9chir \u00e0 ces tendances, nous proposons d\u2019abord de penser ces luttes \u00e9co-territoriales dans la r\u00e9gion \u00e0 partir de la convergence entre la matrice indig\u00e8ne communautaire, le langage \u00e9cologiste et la vision \u00e9cofeministe, ce qui a donn\u00e9 naissance \u00e0 un langage de valorisation de la territorialit\u00e9, qui s&rsquo;oppose au discours capitaliste dominant.Ensuite, dans la lign\u00e9e de luttes \u00e9co-territoriaux, nous assistons aussi \u00e0 l&rsquo;\u00e9mergence d&rsquo;une grammaire politique radicale o\u00f9 se d\u00e9veloppe un versant de la pens\u00e9e critique latino-am\u00e9ricaine qui fait le pari d\u2019une vision post-d\u00e9veloppementaliste et relationnelle, orient\u00e9e vers une nouvelle rationalit\u00e9 environnementale. Plusieurs disciplines sont engag\u00e9es dans cette tendance dans les vingt derni\u00e8res ann\u00e9es : la sociologie des mouvements sociaux, l\u2019\u00e9cologie politique, l\u2019\u00e9conomie \u00e9cologiste, l\u2019anthropologie critique, l\u2019agro-\u00e9cologie et la g\u00e9ographie critique, parmi d\u2019autres.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Quelles strat\u00e9gies pour les luttes sociales du XXIe si\u00e8cle ? <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#c6c6c6; color:#000\">Conjoncture<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Sam 19:30 &#8211; SH-2800 &#8211; EN\/FR(Traduction disponible) &#8211; Pl\u00e9ni\u00e8re<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc30\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">Depuis qu\u2019une nouvelle vague de contestation a d\u00e9but\u00e9 en 2011, les appels \u00e0 l\u2019horizontalit\u00e9 et \u00e0 des mouvements sans leaders ont prolif\u00e9r\u00e9, accompagnant un discours de rejet des partis et des syndicats. R\u00e9sultat: il y a confusion concernant le type d\u2019organisation n\u00e9cessaire pour gagner les luttes les plus dures. McAlevey traitera du r\u00f4le central des gr\u00e8ves au 21e si\u00e8cle, incluant les gr\u00e8ves les plus r\u00e9centes. Elle soutiendra que pour mener des gr\u00e8ves d\u2019envergure, qui constituent toujours la form&#8230;<\/p>\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Jane McAlevey, Consultante syndicale (\u00c9tats-Unis) <\/br>Bhaskar Sunkara, Jacobin Magazine (New York, NY, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br>Ethan Miller, Grassroots Economic Organizing (GEO) (\u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc30\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Quelles strat\u00e9gies pour les luttes sociales du XXIe si\u00e8cle ? <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5><\/h5>\n<p>Depuis qu\u2019une nouvelle vague de contestation a d\u00e9but\u00e9 en 2011, les appels \u00e0 l\u2019horizontalit\u00e9 et \u00e0 des mouvements sans leaders ont prolif\u00e9r\u00e9, accompagnant un discours de rejet des partis et des syndicats. R\u00e9sultat: il y a confusion concernant le type d\u2019organisation n\u00e9cessaire pour gagner les luttes les plus dures. McAlevey traitera du r\u00f4le central des gr\u00e8ves au 21e si\u00e8cle, incluant les gr\u00e8ves les plus r\u00e9centes. Elle soutiendra que pour mener des gr\u00e8ves d\u2019envergure, qui constituent toujours la forme de protestation la plus efficace, il est essentiel d\u2019avoir du leadership, mais surtout d\u2019avoir un leadership d\u00e9mocratique qui reconna\u00eet et valorise la d\u00e9mocratie interne et une participation \u00e9lev\u00e9e.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p>Jane McAlevey, Consultante syndicale (\u00c9tats-Unis) <\/br><\/p>\n<h5>\u00c0 venir<\/h5>\n<p>Bhaskar Sunkara, Jacobin Magazine (New York, NY, \u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5>Identifier, relier, cr\u00e9er!: Promulguer la vie au-del\u00e0 de \u201cl\u2019\u00e9conomie\u201d<\/h5>\n<p>Ethan Miller, Grassroots Economic Organizing (GEO) (\u00c9tats-Unis)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Une composante centrale de toute strat\u00e9gie politique transformatrice viable au 21e si\u00e8cle doit \u00eatre la construction mat\u00e9rielle de nouvelles formes de vie et de subsistance. La critique oppositionnelle ou les r\u00eaves utopiques ne peuvent remplacer le travail concret et imm\u00e9diat visant \u00e0 r\u00e9duire la part d\u2019exploitation et d\u2019extraction capitalistes dans nos modes de vie collectifs ainsi que la mise sur pied de communaut\u00e9s lib\u00e9ratrices qui soient r\u00e9silientes face \u00e0 une instabilit\u00e9 croissante. Mais comment faire ce travail? Comment le penser et l\u2019organiser? Je d\u00e9fendrai tout d\u2019abord que des politiques anticapitalistes se doivent d\u2019\u00eatre doublement anticapitalistes: contre les pratiques de colonisation et d\u2019accumulation que l\u2019on appelle \u201ccapitalisme\u201d, mais aussi contre les mises en r\u00e9cits du capitalisme qui renforcent son pouvoir en invisibilisant et marginalisant ses limites et ses \u201cext\u00e9rieurs\u201d.Le capitalisme se doit d\u2019\u00eatre compris non pas comme un syst\u00e8me dans lequel nous serions pi\u00e9g\u00e9.e.s, mais plut\u00f4t comme un processus de colonisation puissant et toujours en r\u00e9alisation. Ainsi, notre travail commence non pas par de grands appels \u00e0 \u201cla r\u00e9volution\u201d (apr\u00e8s laquelle nous b\u00e2tirons le monde que nous d\u00e9sirons), et non plus par une vision unique du \u201cprochain syst\u00e8me\u201d, mais plut\u00f4t par une identification et un renforcement syst\u00e9matiques de pratiques postcapitalistes qui sont d\u2019ors et d\u00e9j\u00e0 pr\u00e9sentes, \u00e9mergeant de nos communaut\u00e9s. C\u2019est l\u00e0 o\u00f9 le travail d\u2019organisation de l\u2019\u00e9conomie solidaire entre en jeu, en identifiant et reliant ensemble ces \u00e9l\u00e9ments en r\u00e9seaux de pouvoir mat\u00e9riel et organis\u00e9. Toutefois, l\u2019id\u00e9e m\u00eame de \u201cl\u2019\u00e9conomie\u201d (m\u00eame dans le cadre d\u2019une \u201c\u00e9conomie alternative\u201d) doit elle aussi \u00eatre remise en question consid\u00e9rant qu\u2019elle renforce de multiples distinctions conceptuelles (\u201csocial\u201d, \u201cenvironnemental\u201d, \u201c\u00e9conomique\u201d, et \u201cpolitique\u201d) qui servent d\u2019obstacles au type de liens transversaux que nous devons urgemment mettre en place. J\u2019argumenterai plut\u00f4t en faveur de politiques fond\u00e9es sur la solidarit\u00e9 et visant un mode de vie \u00e9cologique mettant de l\u2019avant l\u2019\u00e9thique et la politique de l\u2019interd\u00e9pendance tout en amplifiant et reliant des pratiques lib\u00e9ratrices de mise en commun radicales-d\u00e9mocratiques face \u00e0 des forces d\u2019exploitation et d\u2019oppression \u201cd\u00e9-communisantes\u201d.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"col-xs-12 panelinhor\">\n<h5 class=\"titreprog\">Demain, le post-capitalisme <span class=\"themeprog\" style=\"background-color:#ffffff; color:#000\">Utopie<\/span><\/h5>\n<p class=\"tempsprog\">Dim 14:00 &#8211; SH-2800 &#8211; EN\/FR(Traduction disponible) &#8211; Pl\u00e9ni\u00e8re<\/p>\n<p><button type=\"button\" class=\"btn btn-default btn-xs btninline\" data-toggle=\"modal\" data-target=\"#progdesc31\">Voir la description compl\u00e8te<\/button><\/p>\n<p class=\"descprog\">\n<p class=\"nomsprog\">Pierre Dardot, Universit\u00e9 Paris-Nanterre (Paris, France) <\/br>Christian Laval, Universit\u00e9 Paris-Nanterre (Paris, France)<\/br>Maude Prud&rsquo;homme,  (Canada)<\/br>Julia Posca, Institut de recherche et d\u2019informations socio\u00e9conomiques (IRIS) (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal fade\" id=\"progdesc31\" tabindex=\"-1\" role=\"dialog\">\n<div class=\"modal-dialog\" role=\"document\">\n<div class=\"modal-content\">\n<div class=\"modal-header\"><button type=\"button\" class=\"close\" data-dismiss=\"modal\" aria-label=\"Close\"><span aria-hidden=\"true\">&times;<\/span><\/button><\/p>\n<h4 class=\"modal-title\">Demain, le post-capitalisme <\/h4>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"modal-body\">\n<h5>Le commun comme principe strat\u00e9gique<\/h5>\n<p>Pierre Dardot, Universit\u00e9 Paris-Nanterre (Paris, France) <\/br><\/p>\n<p>Le commun est avant tout un principe politique, celui de l\u2019auto-gouvernement. Mais un tel principe peut-il \u00eatre en m\u00eame temps un principe strat\u00e9gique, c\u2019est-\u00e0-dire d\u00e9terminer une certaine relation des moyens \u00e0 la fin propre \u00e0 faciliter la r\u00e9alisation de la fin?L\u2019\u00e9mancipation sociale a longtemps figur\u00e9 le \u00ab grand but \u00bb auxquels la lutte politique devait \u00eatre subordonn\u00e9e \u00e0 titre de moyen. Entendu comme principe strat\u00e9gique, le commun remet en cause une telle dissociation : il commande de reconna\u00eetre une certaine immanence de la fin \u00e0 l\u2019activit\u00e9 de mise en \u0153uvre des moyens. Cette exigence vaut de la lutte pour l\u2019\u00e9mancipation ici et maintenant comme de la transition qui m\u00e8ne au-del\u00e0 du capitalisme.<\/p>\n<h5>Utopie, imagination, pratique : ce que peut encore nous apprendre Mai 68<\/h5>\n<p>Christian Laval, Universit\u00e9 Paris-Nanterre (Paris, France)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>Longtemps, dans le mouvement socialiste, l\u2019utopie a \u00e9t\u00e9 condamn\u00e9e au nom de la science. Sur les murs parisiens de 68 on pouvait lire : \u00ab soyez r\u00e9alistes, demandez l\u2019impossible \u00bb. Ou, plus directement : \u00ab l\u2019imagination au pouvoir !\u00bb. Avons-nous donc encore quelque chose \u00e0 apprendre de la dimension utopique de 68 \u00e0 un moment o\u00f9 l\u2019on ne peut plus croire que le \u00ab mouvement r\u00e9el \u00bb de l\u2019histoire conduit n\u00e9cessairement \u00e0 la fin du capitalisme ? Aujourd\u2019hui une voie s\u2019ouvre qui, sous des noms diff\u00e9rents, cherche \u00e0 articuler de fa\u00e7on d\u00e9lib\u00e9r\u00e9ment r\u00e9aliste utopie et pratique : utopies concr\u00e8tes, utopies r\u00e9elles, pratiques utopiques ou pr\u00e9figuratives, etc. Pis-aller ou nouvelle strat\u00e9gie ?<\/p>\n<h5>\u00c0 venir<\/h5>\n<p>Maude Prud&rsquo;homme,  (Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<\/p>\n<h5>Repenser le travail et l\u2019\u00e9conomie au-del\u00e0 du capitalisme<\/h5>\n<p>Julia Posca, Institut de recherche et d\u2019informations socio\u00e9conomiques (IRIS) (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)<\/br><\/p>\n<p>R\u00e9fl\u00e9chir \u00e0 une sortie du capitalisme nous oblige \u00e0 penser \u00e0 la transformation du travail, et aux moyens de passer de l\u2019ali\u00e9nation \u00e0 l\u2019\u00e9mancipation. C\u2019est \u00e0 cette t\u00e2che que nous nous att\u00e8lerons dans cette pr\u00e9sentation. Le travail est entendu ici au sens large des activit\u00e9s qui concourent \u00e0 la reproduction des conditions de vie d\u2019une soci\u00e9t\u00e9 et de ses membres. Penser un au-del\u00e0 du capitalisme demande \u00e0 la fois de prendre en compte la r\u00e9partition de ces activit\u00e9s, l\u2019organisation de leur mise en \u0153uvre, et les objectifs poursuivis \u00e0 travers leur r\u00e9alisation. La constitution d\u2019une \u00e9conomie post-capitaliste requiert quant \u00e0 elle que ces exigences soient pens\u00e9es \u00e0 partir d\u2019une \u00e9thique du care alliant soin des autres et de la nature.<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<h5><\/h5>\n<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div><\/div>\n<\/p><\/div>\n<\/p><\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Panels par th\u00e9matiques S&rsquo;inscrire Programme complet S\u00e9ries organis\u00e9es Accueil EN \u00c9cologie Capitalisme vert \u00c9cologie Ven 11:30 &#8211; SH-3420 &#8211; EN\/FR(Traduction disponible) &#8211; Atelier introductif Voir la description compl\u00e8te Laure Waridel, Centre interdisciplinaire de recherche en op\u00e9rationnalisation du d\u00e9veloppement durable (CIRODD) (Montr\u00e9al, Canada) Nicole Leaver, McGill University (Montr\u00e9al, Canada)C\u00e9line Hequet, McGill University (Montr\u00e9al, Canada) &times; Capitalisme &hellip; <\/p>\n<p class=\"link-more\"><a href=\"https:\/\/2018.lagrandetransition.net\/fr\/programme-theme\/\" class=\"more-link\">more<span class=\"screen-reader-text\"> \u00ab\u00a0Programme &#8211; Theme\u00a0\u00bb<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"parent":0,"menu_order":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","template":"template-parts\/page-full-width.php","meta":{"footnotes":""},"class_list":["post-2903","page","type-page","status-publish","format-standard","hentry"],"translation":{"provider":"WPGlobus","version":"3.0.5","language":"fr","enabled_languages":["en","fr"],"languages":{"en":{"title":true,"content":true,"excerpt":false},"fr":{"title":true,"content":true,"excerpt":false}}},"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/2018.lagrandetransition.net\/fr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages\/2903","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/2018.lagrandetransition.net\/fr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/2018.lagrandetransition.net\/fr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/page"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/2018.lagrandetransition.net\/fr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/2018.lagrandetransition.net\/fr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=2903"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/2018.lagrandetransition.net\/fr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages\/2903\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":3500,"href":"https:\/\/2018.lagrandetransition.net\/fr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages\/2903\/revisions\/3500"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/2018.lagrandetransition.net\/fr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=2903"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}